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BIGHT BETTERS 


THE PEACE; 

♦ I 

AND ON 

THE COMMERCE 

AND 

MANUFACTURES 

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 


BY 


SIR FREDERICK MORTON EDEN, BART. 




His ego nec inetas rerum, nec tempora, pono—V irg. 


THE SECOND EDITION\ 

WITH CONSIDERABLE ADDITIONS. 

".-1 ■' •>’ »•> 

) o / " 



LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR J. WHITE, FLEET-STREET; AND 
J. STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY; 

BY WILKS AND TAYLOR, CHANCERY-LANE. 

1802 . 

[Price Four ShillingsI] 







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CONTENTS. 

Letter Page 

I. ON THE BALANCE OF POWER IN 

EUROPE. - - - - - I 

II. ON THE PEACE. - 

III. ON THE COMMERCE OF GREAT 

BRITAIN. 43 

IV. ON THE TRADE WITH THE WEST 

INDIES. - r ‘ - - 6Z 

V. ON THE TRADE WITH NORTH AME- 

' 1 ' . • : f » i - ” • t • r' 1 ' - ■ • 

RICA, AFRICA, AND ASIA. • - 94 

VI. ON THE TRADE WITH EUROPE. - I24 

VII. ON THE COASTING TRADE; AND THE 

TRADE OF IRELAND. - 1^4 

VIII. ON THE FINANCES j—DEFINITIVE 

TREATY". - - 175 

' 

COPY OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY. - I97 





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ERRATA. 

Page 49, Note, line 2, for u See p. 43, 50, £2,” read “See p. 

* . . » 

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LETTERS 


THE 


LETTER I. 

r 1 . 

ON THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 

v ' • * * 1 • . 1 . ' J i 

1" e w political events can occur that will pleafe all 
parties. On none can a greater diverfity of 
opinion be expe&ed than on the Peace recently 
concluded with France, Spain, ^and the Batavian 
Republic. The interefis of commerce, the third 
of military glory, the purfuits of ambition, nay 
even the unalloyed feelings of loyalty and patriot- 
ifm, will, each in their way, give a peculiar tinge to 
our opinions. It cannot therefore be a fubjedl of 
furprize, that, though the greateft part of the 
nation exprefs their unequivocal approbation of 
the Peace, as pregnant with the moft beneficial con- 
fequences to the country, fome perfonsfeven among 
thofe who are diftinguifhed for fplendid abilities and 
upright intentions) fhould be found who think that 

better 





PEACE. 


3 ? 




t * ] 

better terms might and ought to have been obtain* 
ed, and that the honor and iecurity of Great Bri¬ 
tain would have been bed promoted by a continu¬ 
ance of the war. In their eftimation we have loft 
the cc grand and fwelling fentiments” of independ¬ 
ence which characterized our forefathers; we have 

i « ' 

fought to preferve our wealth by debafing our cha¬ 
racter ; and fold our birthrights for a tnefs of pot¬ 
tage. They fay we have fandtioned thofe princi¬ 
ples, and recognized as lawful governments thofe 
ufurpations of power, which we lately deemed to 
be deftrudlive of the balance of Europe, and ini¬ 
mical to the deareft interefts of civilized fociety. 
They fay, in fliort, that degenerate Britons, 

« Whole armour contcience buckled on, 

“ Whom -zeal and charity brought to the held, 

“ That 1'mooth-faced gentleman, tickling commodity, 

“ Commodity, the biai of the world, 

“ Hath drawn-— 

“ From a rcfolv’d and honourable war, 

C( To a rnoft bafe and vile-concluded peace. * 

Such are the heavy charges, which have been 
urged againft thofe members of His Majefty's go¬ 
vernment who have advifed, and negotiated, the 
treaty of Amiens. Yet thefe charges, 1 conceive, 
contain much mifcellaneous matter which is wholly 
foreign to the queftion of peace, and ought to be 
feparately confidered. It inuft be admitted that 
many circumftances attending our prefent fituatron 

; «. t •" /»it • • 0 • -5* • v J • 1 *. * i i ■ ' ' 

* Shakfpeare. 

are 


i 


/ 


[ 3 ] 

are of momentous importance, but it fhould be 
recolledled that they did not originate in the 
treaty. Many circumftances are of the moft fatif- 
factory nature, although they are not the refult of 
diplomatic fkill ; and fome are to be lamented, al¬ 
though they furnilh no proofs of minifterial inca¬ 
pacity. Among the former I might enumerate 
the return of plenty, the internal tranquillity of 
Great Britain-, her induftry, and opulence; her 
increafmg population; her improvements in agri¬ 
culture, manufactures and commerce; her firm 
adherence to her civil and religious eftablifhments. 
Thefe are not the confequences of peace. 1 might 
likewife mention the fortunate changes, which even 
before France had fheathed the fword, had taken 
place in her interior organ'zation ; the feeds of 
amendment which are obfervable in her defective 
inftitutions; her abjuration of fome revolutionary 
dodlrines and excefles; (eft quoddam prodire 

tenus;) her toleration of religious wor/hip; and 
her acknowledgment that monarchies are legiti¬ 
mate governments. Among the circumftances 
which are to be lamented, 1 might notice the rnif- 
taken policy of the Northern Powers of Europe; 
the enfeebled ftate of Turkey; the reverfes of 
Auftria; and the general corruption of Germany 
and italy in morals, politics, and religion. Thefe 
are evils which our interference did not create; 

b 2 and 


[ 4 ] 

and evils which our interference cannot cure* 
Nor, if the light of reafon, flill darkened by the 
fleeting clouds of vain philofophy. 

In dim eclipfe difaftrous twilight fheds 
“ On half the nations, and with fear of change 
** Perplexes monarchs,”* 

can it be faid that we, who have refitted, and have 
urged others to refill, the democratic (form, are the 
authors of thofe woes which threaten to disfigure 
the fairett portion of the globe. The eonvulfions, 
which now agitate Europe, are not imputable to 
us. Nor r on the other hand, is it effentially re- 
quifite for our feeurity, that the ancient forms ot 
government, the ancient divifions of territory, and 
the ancient fyftem of treaties, fhould be revived and 
perpetuated. It is not fuch ties that connect us with 
the nations around us. They are bound to us by 
their wants; they are rendered tributary by our 
induttry. Calamitous events, indeed, which we 
muft deplore, may afllidt them, and, by affecting the 
fources and contradling the channels of commerce, 
in fome degree prove injurious to us. In the fol¬ 
lowing pages, however, I fhall endeavour to fhevv 
that the prefervation of this country does not de¬ 
pend on the prefervation of the balance of power 
on the Continent ; that we flill pofTefs means of 
refinance, which will fecureour independence and 


* Milton. 


promote 


[ 5 ] 

promote our profperity; and that the terms of the 
definitive treaty, whilft they difplay our equity and 
moderation, have been feledted with a due regard 
to thofe effential interefts, the fecurity of which 
conftitutes the chief value of peace. 

Many of the objections which have been, and 
are likely to be, urged againft the Peace, may be 
included in this fhort though comprehenfive pro- 
pofition—that by flieathing the fword we have 
ratified the fubverfion of the balance of power in 
Europe, on the prefervation of which our existence 

^ __ . j ■ r i r 

as a nation effentially depends. 

The Peace, indeed, may be confidered in other 
points of view; but, for the prefent, I fhall limit 
my attention to enquire what alterations this Ba¬ 
lance has experienced, fince its prefervation has 
been deemed important to our interefts; and how 
far thefe alterations are likely to affeCt the future 
fafety of Great Britain. To purfue fuch an enquiry 

to any ufeful purpofe, we mud have recourfe to that 

• 

guide, from whofe inftructive leflons Statefinen ac¬ 
quire political prefcience. We muff recur to Hif- 

„ i 

tory; for the experience which the Statefman derives 
from the times in which he lives, is neceffarilv im- 
perfect. It may, fometimes, (hew him the caufcs 
of events; but it can rarely enable him to trace 
them much beyond their immediate effects. Hif- 
tory in fome degree fupplies the defeCts of experi- 

b 3 ence, 


« 


C 6 ] 

ence, by furnifhing us with complete examples of 
the beginning, progrefs, and completion of various 
fydems of policy; and by connedling every caufe 
with its confequence, it indrufts us, if fimilar 
caufes fhould occur, to divine what confequences 
wid follow. 

Thus, from unfolding the records of paft events, 
we may confidently determine that laws tempered 
by freedom, and favourable to induftry, will render 
a people profperous and happy ; that did rafted and 
corrupt administrations mull produce mTery at 
home, and weaknefs abroad ; that military govern¬ 
ments, after fome time, fall into impotence and 
languor; and that pure democracies ufually end in 
anarchy or defpotifm. Thefe and fimilar truths we 
recognize as axioms of llate, and (though fome- 
tirnes difappointed) we make them the rules of 
our public conduft : they are either buoys to point 
out our danger, or beacons to direct us to fafety. 

If we apply political experience to the confider- 
ation of our prefent circumdances, and, from an 
inveltigation of the pad, attempt to anticipate the 
future, we may podibly difeover, that in times lefs 
profperous Britain had no reafon to defpair ; and 
that confidence becomes her now. We may find 
precedents to (hew that an advantageous peace has 
created diflatisfaftion, but we fliull find none to 
prove that a peace, figned in the full career of 

viftory. 


i 


[ 7 ] 

victory, has been the forerunner of ruin. Ill- 
omened birds, vain foretellers of tempefts, may 
perch on our malls; but the velfel of the Rate 
will hold on her courfe, and bear her gallant crew 
unhurt amidft all the dangers of climates, (torms, 
rocks, and quickfands. 

It is generally agreed that the origin and foun¬ 
dation of the balance of Europe are to be fought 
for in the treaty which in 1648 terminated a thirty 
years war, and defined the rights, privileges, and 
authorities of the different members of the Ger¬ 
manic body. It is, however, remarkable, that 
the treaty of Munfter, the corner (lone of modem 
diplomacy, in fome degree, countenanced thofe 
fchemes of fpoliation and aggrandizement, which 
we are apt to fuppofe to be peculiar to our own 
times. Secularizations and indemnities, the fyi- 
tem which now threatens to annihilate the Empire, 
then originated. Crafty negotiators, whether Ca¬ 
tholic or Proteflant, carved eagerly for themfelves. 

Some afked for manors, others for acres, that lay 
convenient for them*.” France, in particular, was 
a confiderable gainer. Brifac, with its dependea* 
cies, the landgraviats of Alface, Metz, Toul, Ver¬ 
dun, and Pignerol, (not to mention inferior acqui- 
fitions,) were furrendered to her. At this period 
Great Britain was too much occupied with domef- 

* Swift an 1 Arbuthnot's Hiftory of John Bull. 

B 4 


* 


tic 


[ 8 ] 

I , / 

tic calamities to interfere in the general politics of' 
Europe. Her only polfeffion on the Continent was 
Dunkirk. The other principal powers were the 
houfe of Auftria, (of which one branch held Spain 
and the Netherlands, and the other the faireft por¬ 
tion of Germany,) and the republic of Holland, a 
ftate, finall, indeed, in extent, but wealthy, brave, 
and free ; a£live in negotiation, and formidable in 
war. Prufiia was then, and long after, a petty 
electorate. RuiTia had not emerged from barba- 
rifm. 

The ambition of Louis the Fourteenth, within a 
fhort period after the peace of Weftphalia, by con- 
queft or by treaty, added new frontiers to France. 
By the Pyrenean treaty, concluded in 1659, after 
a fhort war with Spain, he not only acquired fcve- 
ral places in Flanders and Luxemburg, the greateft 
part of Artois, Landrecy and Quefnoy in Hai- 
nault, the duchy of Bar, and other places in Lor- 
rain, and Rouffillon, Confians, and Cerdagna, on 
the borders of Spain, but laid the foundations of 
uniting the French and Spanilh monarchies under 
the houfe of Bourbon, f rom this time to the 
year 1700 (a period of 40 years) he never loft fight 
of this great objetft. In 1662, he purchafed Dun¬ 
kirk from our profufe and venal monarch, Charles 
the Second. By the peace of Aix-la-Chapeile, 
which in 1663 terminated another conteft with 
Spain, Tournay, Lille, Courtray, Oudenard, Aetb, 

4 Charleroy, 


C 9 ] 

Charleroy, and Douay, very important points in 
what has been fince denominated the iron frontier 
of France, were ceded to him. His northern and 
cadern frontiers were dill further improved at the 
peace of Nimeguen in 1678, by which Spain re¬ 
ceived back Charieroy, Binch, Aeth, Oudenard, 
and Courtray, but ceded to France, Befanqon, 
Valenciennes, Bouchain, Conde, Cambray, the 
remainder of Artois, feveral other places on the 
northern frontiers, and the whole of the country 
of Burgundy or Franche-Comte. 

It is worthy of remark that, during the progrefs 
which Louis was making towards what has been 
termed LIniverfal Monarchy, this country either 
viewed with indifference, or promoted with zeal, 
the attempts of her ambitious neighbour to fub- 
jugate the Continent. The Prince of Orange, 
however, profiting by the Revolution, which by 
placing him on the throne of James extended his 
influence to Great Britain, called forth our ener T 
gies; and in 1689 we joined the continental con¬ 
federacy, confiding of Spain, a debilitated mon¬ 
archy, Holland, a dill vigorous republic, and 
the Emperor, much weakened by the diftraded 
date of his hereditary dominions, and a war with 
the Turks. This grand alliance propofed to re¬ 
duce Louis to the terms of the Pyrenean treaty, 
(which dated the capitulation of marriage, by 
which Maria Therefa, the Queen of France, re¬ 
nounced 


[ 10 ] 

nounced her pretenfions 'to the crown of Spain, as 
the chief part of the treaty, and the moft worthy, 
as well as the greateft and mod precious, earned: 
of the furety of its duration,) and to fecure 
the fucceffion of the Spanifh crown to the houfe 
of Audria. Neither object, however, was accom- 
plifhed. The French monarch’s conqueds from 
the Allies on the right bank of the Rhine, and 
Mons, Courtray, and Aeth, on the Flemilh fron¬ 
tier, were redored to Spain at the peace of Ryfwick 
in 1697* ; but Strafburgh, a molt important for- 
trefs on the fide of Germany, was definitively 
ceded to him. 

Of the date and fentiments of Great Britain, at 
the clofe of this war, Lord Bolingbroke appears to 
have given a faithful pidture. As a Tory, and a 
ftrenuous opponent of King William and Queen 
Anne’s Whig Miniders, he is to be perufed with 
caution when he defcribes events in which they 
were concerned; yet, in the following remarks, 

* * • » r 4 »• - j. , , ' 

* The 4 th article of this Treaty is fomewhat fimilar to one intro¬ 
duced into the Treaty between Bonaparte and Ruffia. Louis XIV. 
engages his honour, upon the faith and word of a King, that hq 
“ will in no manner whatfoever favour the confpiracies or plots which 
“ any Rebels or ill-dilpofed perfons may, in any place, excite againft 
“ the King of Great Britain,” who enters into a fimilar flipuiation 
on his part. Notwithftanding this precedent, I fhould have lamented 
if a fimilar claufe had been introduced into the Treaty of Amiens. 
The internal tranquillity of Great Britain will not, I truft, depend on 
the guarantee of the Firft Conful. 

t 


if 


t » ] 

if compared with impartial hiftoriarrs, he will be 
found not to have deviated from truth. l'hofe 
who doubt the veracity of this narration, will at 
lead admit that modern times have (hewn that 
it is not to be reje&ed on account of its improba¬ 
bility. 

“ Our people” (he fays) “ believed , and were 

encouraged to believe , the war could not he 
£C long, if the King was vigoroufly fupported: 
“ and there is a humdrum fpeech of a Speaker of 
<{ the Houfe of Commons, I think, who humbly 
£< defired his Majefty to take this opportunity of 
<c reconquering his ancient duchy of Aquitain. 
Cc We were foon awakened from thefe gaudy 
<c dreams. In /even or eight years no im, rejfion 
<c had been made on France , that was befieged 
“ as it were on every fide ; and, after repeated de- 
“ feats in the Low Countries, where King William 
cc laid the principal ftrefs of the war, his foie 
“ triumph was the retaking Namur, which had 
“ been taken by the French a few years before. 
“ Unfuftained by fucctfs abroad, we are not to 
<c wonder that the fpirit flagged at home; nor 
“ that the difeontents of thofe, who were averfe to 
ee the ellablifhed Government, uniting with the 
cc far greater number of thofe who difliked the 
u Adminiflration, inflamed the general difeon- 
“ tents of the nation, opprefled with taxes, pil- 

“ laged 


[ 12 J 


ec laged by ufurers, plundered at fea, and dif~ 
appointed by land. As we run into extremes 
always, fome would have continued this war at 
C: any rate , even at the fame rate ; but it was not 

► • i 

tC poffible they fhould prevail in fuch a fituation 

cc of affairs, and fuch a difpofition of minds. The 

(< generality of people grew as fond of getting out 

cc of the war, as they had been of entering into 

c< it; and thus far, perhaps, confidering how it 

Ci had been conduced, they were not much to be 

<c blamed. But this was not all; for when King 

William had made the peace , our martial fpirit 

<c became at once fopacific, that we feemed refolved to 

“ meddle no mere in the affairs of the Continent; at 

leaft to employ our arms no more in the quarrels 

cc that might drife there : and accordingly we 

<c reduced our troops in England to feven thou- 

<c fand men * ;i 1 11 

% 

The King, however, perfevered in his plan to 
reduce the power of France, and exerted himfelf 
during peace, to negotiate a new grand alliance 
with Holland and the Emperor. In the midft of 
thefe preparations he died: but, “ though the 
u man was dead, the grand alliance furvivedf;” 
hoftiiities commenced agaiaft France and Spain 

* Sketch of the Hifiory and State of Europe, Letter viii. 
t Burke s Reflections on the French Revolution, p, 88. 

9 ¥ 

in 


[ 13 3 


in May 1702, and did not terminate till April 
1 7 1 3 * • 

Mr. Burke mentions this war as a proof of the 
energy of our ancedors: but here he (tops 5 for 
it proves no more. Glorious as it was to our 
arms, and unequivocally demonftrative of our 
national refourccs, it added little to our power; 
but more than tripled the national debt, which in 
1702 amounted to 16,000,oool. $ but in 1714 
exceeded 54,000,000!. The acquifition of Gi¬ 
braltar, Minorca, half of St. Chridopher’s, and the 
Afliento trade, were no equivalent for fuch of the 
conquefts of Louis, on the fide of Germany and 
Flanders, as the peace of Utrecht allowed him to 
retain, and the edabliihment of the Bourbon family 
in Spain. 

h . i ) 1 ..v . V 4 I 

After the lapfe of a century, in which the feuds 
of Whigs and Tories have given way to other con- 
troverfies, unambitious and difpafhonate politicians 
may doubt whether, on the whole, the war. of 
Queen Anne was advantageous to the country. 
A writer, who has examined the mod authentic 
documents refpe&ing this period of our hiftory, 
obferve that “ there were certainly many Brong 
ts arguments for redraining that precipitancy of 
“ determination with which England rufhed into 


* Mr. Burke, fomevvhat inaccurately, affects that this war continued 


for nearly thirteen years. Two Letters on Peace, p. 91. 



[ *4 ] 

tf the war, and which ought to have fiiggeftec! 
“ fuch referve and precautions as might, with- 
“ out violating the honour of King William, 
“ have prevented the extravagance with which it 
iC was carried on, and perhaps have brought it to 
“ a more fpeedy conclufion. But the general 
fcC defire of the nation, the flate of parties, and the 
“ private influence of a. family, which the Sove- 
reign, at this time, was incapable of refilling, not 
“ only diverted her attention from pacific counfels, 
but induced the Adminiflration to prepare for 
“ hoflilities with an ardour, out of all proportion 
to any provocation received, and with exagge- 
“ rated expectations of the benefits likely to refult 
“ from a fuccefsful war 

It may be faid, on the other hand, that if we 
had not entered into the grand alliance, our Laws, 
our Liberties, and our Government would have 
been fubverted; and that to the war of Anne we 
owe our fubfequent exigence as an independent 
nation. I cannot believe this ; for the very cir- 
cumflance we fo much dreaded, the acquifition of 
Spain by a Prince of the houfe of Bourbon, ac¬ 
tually took place without producing any calami¬ 
tous confequence to Britain. Still iefs fhah I feel 
inclined to admit, that our thirty years peace, 

f Somerville’s Pxign of Qmeen Anne, p. 3. 


which 


[ IS ] • 

which fucceeded the Treaty of Utrecht, was owing 
to the decrepit (late of France: her public 
bankruptcy was expe&ed in 1708; yet in four 
fubfequent campaigns (he continued the war with 
vigour, and in fome indances with fuccefs. Our 
long repofe was not owing to the decrepit date of 
France; for France, in 1730, was able to under* 
take, and adfually did undertake, a new war with 
Germany ; and reaped the folid fruits of conqueft, 
in 1736, by annexing the valuable province of 
Lorrain to her wide-extended territories. The 
uninterrupted peace which we enjoyed during 
the whole of George the FirfFs reign, and thir¬ 
teen years after, may, with more probability, be 
afcribed to the long minority of Louis the Fif¬ 
teenth, the internal diffenfions of France refpefl- 
ing the Bull Unigenitus , the intrigues of the 
Spanifh Minifler Alberoni, which forced France 
and Great Britain for a time to unite, and, above 
all, to the pacific difpofitions of Fleury and Wal¬ 
pole. 

Let us now advert to the balance of European 
power as it appeared at the French Revolution in 
j 789. In the courfe of the eighteenth century 
Flolland had gradually declined. Unable to ftand 
fmgly againff either England or France (in her 
prouder days (lie has held them both at defiance) 
ihe has, in all modern wars, been obliged to a< 5 t 
the humble part of a feeble confederate. Verging 

towards 

1 


1 


\ 


[ 16 ] 

towards the infignificance of Venice, fhe may 
expe& to experience a fimilar fate, and to become 
the prey of fome formidable neighbour. After a 
tingle gleam of national fpirit, the fun of Spain 
had long before 17 89 fet for ever. The proud 
Caftilians had long ceafed to think for themfelves. 
Of late years a war with Spain has rather been 
courted than dreaded. Mr. Burke truly defcribes 
her. “ She is not a fubftantive power.” But, if 
neither the Monarchy of Charles the Fifth, nor 
the Republic of De Witt, can now regulate the 
fate of Europe, two formidable States have arifen, 
whofe voices are heard in the Council of Nations. 
Ruffia, which at the peace of Weftphalia was as 
dull in the balance, is now a great commercial and 
military Power. Prutfia, from being the feudatory, 
is become the rival, of the Cscfars: the refcripts 
of her envoys are received with deference at Ratif- 
bon. 1 he mandates of Prufiia in 178? opened 
the gates of Amfterdam ; the mandates of Rufiia 
may fo:n open the gates of Conftantinople. 

Such are the principal alterations which have 
taken place within the laft one hundred and fifty 
years in the territorial divifion of Europe; and (till 
more important changes appear to be in contem¬ 
plation. It has been feen that various acquifitions, 
during this period, have rounded and confolidated 
the French Monarchy. In point of extent, the 
Britilh dominions in Europe are now (with the 

lofs 


[ 1 


lofs of Dunkirk, and the addition only of Gibral¬ 
tar) preciiely what they were at the Treaty of 
Munfter. Nature has fixed the boundaries of 
the United Kingdom. An ambitious continental 
power may add a contiguous province to her fron¬ 
tier : an infular one can only enlarge the bounds 
of empire, by acquiring detached provinces. But; 
whilft our neighbours have extended their limits, 
Britain, 

(t Hedg’d in with the Main, 

“ That water-walled bulwark, ftill fecure 
“ And confident from foreign purpofes,”* 

has increafed her power (the power I mean of de¬ 
fence, for all other is precarious and illuforyj by 
improvements in internal organization, by dou¬ 
bling her population, by colonization, by agricul¬ 
ture, by manufactures, and by commerce, the 
parent of naval power. 

With thefe means, and thefe motives, to preferve 
her independence, fhe has five times, during the 
lafl century, been oppofed to France. Some wars 
fhe has carried on alone; in others fhe has aCted 
with confederates; in all fhe has fhewn that her 
ftation in the fcale of Europe depends not on a 
fanciful equilibrium which a congrefs of nations 
can adjufl, but on refources which can be created, 
and energies which can be exerted, by herfelf. 

v ~ ' v s 

* Shakfpeare. , / 

I ‘ ; 

c Diplomatic 


V 


[ 18 ] 

Diplomatic interference, negotiation, and treaty, 
may fometimes preferve a feeble ftate from imme¬ 
diate diflolution; but when did they infpire a 
timid people with manly fentiment and vigour ; or 
make thofe powerful who had no confidence in 
themfelves? Of all nations in Europe, Britain 
has the lead occafion to dread the interpofition, or 
to court the mediation, of neutral ftates. Her 
infular fituation renders her inacceflible to all, 
except the maritime, powers. Her unfitnefs for 
Continental conqueft fecures her from jealoufy. 
She can only affeft Europe by alliances and fub- 
fidies. Nor are thefe means of war, now, of much 
confequence to her; for, as Germany is divided 
between two great monarchies, Aufiria and Pruflia, 
whofe mutual antipathies are not foftened even by 
a common interefi, we cannot court the one with¬ 
out difpleafing the other. Aufiria was our ally in 
the war of 1742, and Pruflia was againft us; in 
that of 1756, Pruflia joined, and Aufiria oppofed, 
us; and in the lafi, though, from being both inter- 
efted to refift the revolutionary fyftem, they had 
joined againft France, Pruflia foon withdrew from 
the conteft in which Aufiria perfevered. 

In mentioning thefe Powers, let me remark, that 
they are Angular inftances that, notwithftanding 
the fuppofed balance of power, fyftems of aggran¬ 
dizement will ftill prevail. By two treaties of par¬ 
tition, Aufiria, Pruflia, and Ruflia, have parcelled 

out 


C J 9 ] 

out to themfelves the extenfive republic of Poland; 
Ruffia, too, in the early part of the lad century, 
dript Sweden of her molt valuable province, and, 
towards the latter end of it, not content with a ter¬ 
ritory flretching from the Baltic to China, fhe ad¬ 
vanced to the Crimea, and now, perhaps, extends 
her views to the mouldering provinces of Turkey. 
Yet Ruffia might whifper in our ears, that we, too, 
have taken our (hare in the divifion of empires: 
the northern powers might fet off our two treaties 
for the partition of the Myfore againd the two trea¬ 
ties for the partition of Poland. In one point, I truft, 
they would own the treaties materially differed. 
The northern confederacy dethroned a lawful 
prince becaufe his territories were convenient for 
them: the Indian confederacy overthrew an ufur- 
per, and an implacable foe ; and, in carving out an 
indemnity for themfelves, they redored a lawful 
prince to his fubjecls. 

Notwithflanding thefe various changes in the 
dates on the Continent, Britain has long flourifhed 
cc great and free, the dread and envy of them all.”' 
Hidory fhews that the rife of one nation is not ne- 
ceffarily accompanied with the dedru&ion of its 
neighbour. The French Republic may poflefs the 
Rhine, and yet not. annihilate the commerce of the 
Thames. England may be free, though Holland is 
in chains. Whether the terms of peace are fuch 
as we are entitled to, or whether it would have 

e 2 be<?n 


\ 


7 


[ 20 ] 

been more advantageous to us to have continued 
the war, are confiderations very diftin£t from the 
queftion, whether our prefervation depends on the 
balance of Europe being preferved. To this fub- 
je£t I have confined my prefent remarks; and fhall 
conclude my letter with a tranflation of a para¬ 
graph in a periodical work, publifhed at Ham¬ 
burgh, which, I think, furnilhes an anfwer to one 
reafon, at leaft, for continuing the war. 

The reftoration of the balance of power,” it is 
faid, ie is as chimerical as the dreams of conquefi: 
c< with which the coalition againft France have 

“ been flattered.—It is the philofopher’s (tone in 
<c politics. The negotiators at Munftcr thought 
cc they had obtained it; but what has it produced? 
<c Wars have fucceeded wars: fome fiates, which 
“ were then powerful, have been reduced to infig- 
cc nificance; others have been annihilated ; others 
“ from mere exiflence have rifen into confequence: 
u empires have been erefted; kingdoms have 
<c been defiroyed ; the weak have been opprefled ; 
6< the firong have abufed their power: thefe are 
“ the confequences of this memorable fyfiem. 
<e What new fcheme of policy can we devife that 
<c fhall be fafe ? The birth of a great man, the li- 
ie ccntioufnefs of a mob, may fet human wifdom 
“ at 'defiance. We think that when we have 
£f placed equal (or nearly equal) portions of terri- 
“ tory, population, commerce, revenue, and mill- 

“ tary 


[ 21 ] 

Cf tary force, in each fcale, we have fecured the 
ce balance. But thefe are the mere elements of 
cc chaos; how {hall we duly appreciate human 
<f wifdom which mud combine them for ufe ? 

*• 1 ' - > < * A ^ . * * 

(C From a fight of the materials we eftimate what the 
“ fabric will be without confulting thofe who are 
<e to be the architects. We determine what tools 
<c will produce without knowing what hands will 
<c ufe them. Calculate as we may, the future will 
<c frequently elude our grafp, and our conjectures 
“ be frufirated by the appearance of a Peter, a 
<c Frederick, or a Bonaparte. 

“ Yet, as alchemy has led to fome ufeful dif- 
<e COVeries, the attempt, however vilionary, to fet- 
“ tie the balance of power in Europe may, poffibly, 
(( prove beneficial to mankind*.” 

to tv r. * ' ' V ^ -u . / rt\ 

‘ii.A s • vi vvU’v’ t Vi . w J .1 # Y. Y.., 

' 4 ’ /U f . > . ’ r ..- > . ‘ r ^ t r 

* Le Spedtateur du Nord, Juillet, t8oi, p. 14*. 


, •/- 


x * . 4 ■ 

a LETTER 


¥ 


t « 1 


LETTER II. 

• a 

to * • * • 

•r. » J 1 ‘ - 

ON THE PEACE. 

I 1 

The queftion of peace is not to be confidered* 
as fome would confider it, merely as a quejiion of 
territorial acquifition : but, in order fairly to appre¬ 
ciate our prefent fituation, and to decide whether 
we have acted wifely in terihinating the war, on 
thofe conditions to which we have aftented, we 
ihould recollect what was the chief objed that 
Induced France to attack us, and how far fhe has 
accomplifhed it. It was to revolutionize us. That 
the war, on our part, was purely defenfive, that we 
had no views of conqueft or aggrandizement, that 
we aimed only to fuccour our antient allies, to 
vindicate our independence, and to proted our in¬ 
valuable conftitution from foes, both foreign and 
domeftic, no one, who has ftudied Mr. Marfh’s 
colledion of authenticated fads, refpeding the 
politics of Great Britain and France, can entertain 
a doubt*. If we failed in the fir ft objed, our failure 
was not alcribable to want of 2eal, exertion, or per- 
feverance. We fought and negotiated for the 

* See Marik’s Hiftory of the Politicks of Great Britain and France. 

powers 


4 


[ 23 ] 

powers of Europe long after they had ceafed to 
fight or to negotiate for themfelves. But, if we 
could not fave others, we faved ourfelves. We have 
exhibited a fpe&acle which will be fought for in 
vain among the humbled nations around us; we 
have fuccefsfully refilled the force of France; we 
have fet the infidious arts of democracy at defiance ; 
we have fhewn the value we fet on our liberties by 
our pertinacity in defending them; and we have 
been rewarded for our conltancy; for, whilfi: war 
has defolated the continent, the peaceful fhores of 
Great Britain have been exempt from its ravages. 
Nor did we fhrink from the contefi, when, after 
eight campaigns, 

<l Deferted in” our “ utmoft need 

“ By thofe” our “ former bounty fed,” 

we were attacked by a new and formidable con¬ 
federacy. Grateful pofterity will remember that 
our negotiations at Peterfburgh, which confirmed 
our maritime rights, were preceded by our naval 
vidlory at Copenhagen, and that our gallant army 
had vanquifhed the vi&orious legions of Bonaparte 
in Egypt before we figned the preliminaries with 
France. 

It is well obferved that “to improve the golden 
moment of opportunity, and catch the good that 
is within our reach, is the great art of life.”*' This 
£s precifely what our Minifiers have done. When 


\ 


* By Dr. Johnfon. 

c 4 


they 


[ 24 ] 


they entered into office, they found the current of 
public opinion fetting very fad againfl the continu¬ 
ance of the war. The nation was perfuaded (not 
indeed that they were unable to contend with the 
French Republic, for every gazette proclaimed 
the valour and the victories of Britons, but) that 
the refult of a further prolongation of hoftilities 
would be an ufelefs expenditure of blood and trea- 
fure. They were perfuaded that no new continental 
alliances could be formed with advantage; that 
fubfidies to foreign powers had drained the country 
of its fpecie; and that external force would con- 
folidate the new-raifed fabric of the confular go¬ 
vernment. Their wants influenced their opinions. 
Arguments were prefented to them in the increafed 
price of the neceflaries of life. They were taught 
to believe that war had created a fcarcity, and that 
peace would remove it. Peace is arrived ; and 
plenty accompanies her: they will, therefore, I 
fear, continue to reafon, miftakingly, as they have 
done ;—poji hoc; ergo propter hoc. Yet they ought 
to be informed that, during the lad thirty years, 
the cheapefl years were the feven years of the 
American war. 

The nation, too, was fatisfied that the great objeCt 
of the contefl had been attained. The popular 
notions of revolution and reform, which in 1793 
agitated Great Britain, had given way to the ratio¬ 
nal conviction that no graft from the French tree 

of 


[ 25 ] 


of liberty could improve the Britifh conftitution. 
The fate of France had left an awful warning to 
Great Britain. The experiment had been made, 
and had proved that the fubverfion of antient in- 
flitutions, is not calculated to improve the fum of 
human biffs; that the profcription of the rich does 
not benefit the poor; that modern ethics offer no 
good fubftitute for religion; and foreign conqueft 
no cornpenfation for the lofs of public order, and 
domeftic comfort. The oack-horfe may be ill-ad- 
vifed who kicks off his buuhens in order to affume 
the trappings of the charger. 

Let it alfo be recollected that, when the prefent 
Mini hers entered into office, a new confederacy, 
defigned to invade our maritime rights, had ripen¬ 
ed into open hoftility. They a£t d as became 
the guardians of the honor of a great nation whofe 
difpofitions were pacific ; they contended with the 
Northern Powers, till our violated rights were re¬ 
cognized ; but they contended no longer. They 
perfev.red in the war with France, till they had 
refeued from her gripe (not indeed a Britifh colony, 
for Britain had loft no territory whatever, but) 
a country that had long been deemed (1 conceive 
erroneoufly) the diredt road to Indian conqueft; 
but, having liberated Egypt, they improved the 
golden moment by concluding a peace, which 
fecures fome of the fruits of victory, and all the 
praife and advantage of fuccefsful refinance. This 

refiftance 


• 4cj . 

refiftance is a ftrong aflfurance of cc fecurity for the 
future;” for the experience of the laft: nine years has 
proved that the greateft military power in Europe, 
which has overrun Holland, Italy and Germany, 
can make no imprcftion on this “ fea-girt ifle.” 
We have indeed ceded to the original poflfeflfors 
more colonies than we have retained. So did 
France in 1783; but no rational politician was led 
from this circumftance to contend that fhe deemed 
the peace of Verfailles either inglorious or unprofit¬ 
able. She had fucceeded in her objeft ; and torn 
away a limb from the mother country. In the 
laft war (may it long bear this defignation 1) fhe 
has failed moft completely in a fimilar attempt; 
and the blow by which fhe hoped to difmember, 
has confolidated, the Britifh Empire. 

Peace, I admit, has been the tfefultof neceflity; 
but it is a neceffity forcibly felt by both parties. 
France, by a continuance of hoftilities, muff have 
prolonged her internal diftreftes; and have pro- 
tra&ed the long-wifhed-for period, in which reno¬ 
vated commerce may, poftibly, repair the excefles 
of revolution ; excefles which fhe muff deplore, 
and from which war alone has preferved us: our 
coafts, our colonies, were inacceflible. Britain, 
by another year of war, mu ft have made a great 
addition to a debt, which, though not intolerable, 
fhould not be wantonly increafed. The blockade 
of Breft, or the bombardment of Boulogne, (and 

fuch 


[ 4 / ] 


I f, 


fuch only, I apprehend/would have been the ope- 
rations of another campaign) might Have irijuica 
France, but would have yielded us rio ecfuiv Rent. 

Some vilionary politicians have fuppofed that 
va ; projeds were in contemplation; and that, if 
th e war had continued, we fhould have attacked the 
Spanifh fettlements in America. I cannot, how¬ 
ever, convince myfelf that the balance of Europe 
might be fettled in Mexico, although the conqueff 
of Canada is laid to have been effb&ed in Ger¬ 
many. Still lefs can I fuppofe that the invafion of 
Peru would have furnifhed a mighty lever for over¬ 
turning the French Republic. Eldorado conquefts 
would have attracted the gallant Knights of Britain 
two centuries ago ; but I llrould have deemed my¬ 
felf a libeller of Miniflers if I had fuppofed that 
they meant to confign our brave feamen and fol- 
diers to the uielefs enterprizes and dilhonourable 
graves of Drake Cavendilh, and Hawkins. Had 
we continued the war for fuch projects, well 
might Mr. Fox have exclaimed-—O calumniated 
u crufaders, how rational and moderate were your 
objebls! O much injured Eouis the Fourteenth, 
upon what flight grounds you have been accufed 
€t of refllefs and immoderate ambition ! O tame 
“ and feeble Cervantes, with what a timid pencil 
F and faint colours have you painted the portrait 
5 of a difordered imagination!”* 

* Letter to the Electors of VVeftminfter p«'40.' 

In* t 


«6 


€ e 


iC 





[ 28 ] 


In the parliamentary debates on the preliminary 
articles, though they have been defended nearly on 
the fame grounds on which I thought them defenfi- 
ble,* Minifters have denied that the termination 
of the war was the refult of necefiity: yet, I trull, 
I lhall not be deemed to have been guilty of a 
folecifm, if, whilfb I bow to fuch great authority, I 
perfilt in my opinion, that a peace may be the refult 
of a necefiity forcibly felt by both parties, and yet 
be honorable and fafe. It appears to me to be a 
very pofiible cafe that two belligerent powers may 
be fo circumltanced, that a continuance of hoflili- 
ties, like a long protradled law-fuit, may be ruin¬ 
ous to both. If fuch was the fituation of France 
and this country, though I may deny that fuch a 
fituation placed us at the feet of the Firlt Conful, I 
mud contend that the late necelfary war has been 
concluded by a no lefs necelfary peace. Nor lhall 
I, as an Englilhman, feel any humiliation if this 
plea, among others, Ihould be brought forward to 
judify the treaty with M. Otto. 

If, however. Peace is to be confidered as a quef- 
tion of policy, and to be appreciated from the terms 
on which it has been concluded, it may be faid, 
that fome of our greateft ftatefmen have decided on 
its merits; that fome of the principal members of 
the late adminidration (an adminiltration which 

* By the Lord Chancellor in the Houfe of Lords, and by Lord 
Hawkelbury in the Commons. 

Itrenuoufly 


\ 


/ 


t 2 9 ] 

ftrenuoufly fupported the war) have cenfured the 
peace, either as bad in terms, or as obje&ionable 
altogether; and that the other members of that ad- 
minihration, who defend the Preliminaries, are 
glaringly inconfiftent, becaufe they thought it im¬ 
politic to enter into a negotiation with Bonaparte, 
in i8co. Thefe points have been difcuhed, very 
fully, in Parliament; and I fhall not invehigate 
them further than to obferve that at the 
beginning of that year our circumftances were 
very different from what they w r ere in 1801. 
Ruflia had, then, not wholly withdrawn from the 
Continental Confederacy; Auhria was preparing 
to adt with vigour ; the Royalihs, though not 
ftimulated by us, were affembling in the Weftern 
Departments of France. Thofe, therefore, who, 
two years ago, thought, with Mr. Windham, that 
the chances of war were preferable to the chances 
of peace, may now, without any derelidlion of 
principle, think the experiment of another cam¬ 
paign inadvifable. Let me add too, that, however 
grateful we mull feel to Mr. Pitt for having impreif- 
ed us with a juh fenfe of our danger, for having 
developed our refources, and for having condudled 
us, I will not fay through , but nearly through, a long 
and expenhve conteft with foes both foreign and 
domehic, however readily we mull acknowledge 
his great abilities as a war minifter, and his hill 
greater abilities as a miniher of finance, it does 

not 


[ 3 ^ ] 

not follow that peace ought to be rejected, becaufe 
he may be (though I do not think it has been pro¬ 
ved that he is) inconfiftent. Neither his empaf- 
fioned and eloquent fpeech delivered in 1800, 
flagrante belle , nor Lord Grenville’s official com¬ 
munications in 17975 will furnifh us with a diplo¬ 
matic code, by which the prefent peace can be 
tried. Jt is not to be vindicated merely by refort- 
ing to the argumentum ad hominem . If the peace 
is a bad one, it is no confolation to learn that 
“ fecerunt idem multi alii et boni'fl if it is fafe and 
honorable it will bear the teft of examination 
without reference to the negotiations at Lifle. 
If it places us in a ftate of infecurity it is no juf- 
tification of Lord Hawkefbury, that Trinidad, 
Ceylon, Cochin, and the Cape, pofieffions which 
his predecefior attempted to fecure to us by treaty 
in 1797, are lefs valuable acquifitions than Trini¬ 
dad, Ceylon, and the Myfore, which are actually 
fecured to us: it is no juftification, that Lord Gren¬ 
ville’s peace exifted only in a projet , which, if it 
had been liftened to by the Directory, might, very 
poffibly, have been cut down to terms much below 
Lord Hawkefbury’s ultimatum: it is no juftification 
that our future fecurity was as much affe&ed by the 
treaty propofed in 1797, which allowed the French 
to retain all their colonies, as it is by the treaty 
concluded in 1801, which reftores them all their 
colonies which we have conquered during the war. 

In 


' C 3 i 3 

In truth, “ the form and prelfure” of the two 
periods cannot, in any refpeft, be deemed to be 
the fame. In 1797 we negotiated with afa&ion; 
we now treat with a (late. I am allured by per¬ 
sons who lately vifited France, and who were w r ell 
acquainted with the character of Frenchmen during 
the monarchy, that they are now as averfe as can 
be imagined to the original ideas and principles 
of the revolutionary fyltem ; that they figh for 
the bleflings of repofe ; and not only tolerate, but 
approve, thofe afts of government, which, twelve 
years ago, would have been deemed oppreffive and 
defpotic. They are no longer clamorous for uni- 
verfal fuffrage; or even for the freedom of the 
prefs. Their 6000 juftices of the peace have not 
taught them the value of an Habeas Corpus aft. 
Royalifts and republicans at length coalefce, like 
travellers, who, having gone round the world in 
different dire&ions, meet at the fame point. The 
Catholic worlhip (l will not fay the Catholic re¬ 
ligion) is re-eftablilhed. A vail force has been 
fent to St. Domingo, to correft the ideas of negroes 
refpedling civil liberty. Who, three years ago, 
could have fuppofed that the French would become 
fuch inftru&ors ? No part of this picture is fuch as 
an Englilhman, whether he be a genuine Whig or 
a zealous Tory, can approve: but, with reference 
to the poffibility and the propriety of negotiation, 

v it 


C 3* ] 

it is fatisfa&ory to know that France is at length 
fenfibie of the blefimgs of order; that, whatever 
the view of her rulers may be, the difpofition of 
her inhabitants to remain at peace with us is warm 
and unequivocal: and that her government has not 
only renewed, but is capable of maintaining, the 
relations of amity with Great Britain. 

The people of France, I apprehend, have fatif- 
fied themfelves that the fubflitution of a Conful, 
or of Confuls, for an Executive Directory, is a 
• change for the better: I doubt, however, whether 
their fpeculations on this fubjeft are as refined as 
thofe of an ephemeral writer who informs us that 
the Firfl Conful cc has it in his power, perhaps, to 
ct lead his countrymen to folid liberty. They 
cc require a preparation for that Fate. They mull 
“ be taught that liberty without order does not de- 
<c ferve the name. Bonaparte, we truft, is now 
<c teaching them the wholefoine lefion of obe- 
cc dience ; that fort of obedience, however, 
cc which in nations, as well as individuals, 
“ qualifies men to govern themfelves—an obedi- 
cc ence which does not corrupt and degrade, but 
<c which elevates and improves. Undoubtedly the 
“ French nation has much need of this leffon*.” 

Whether the Firfl Conful will perform all that 
is here fet down for him, and u lead his country- 

* Morning Chronicle, 21ft October, 1801. 

“ men 


C 33 ]'- 

men to folid liberty,” I will not attempt to 
prognofticate. It is not a difficult talk to make 
a ftrong government; but to make a free one, 
fuited to the temper and genius of the French' 
nation, to combine liberty with fubordinatiom 
and to provide means for reform without open¬ 
ing a door to revolution, cannot be the work 
of one man, however great, or of one age, 
however enlightened. In die compofition of poli¬ 
tical inrtitutions time muft be the principal agent. 
Bonaparte, however, has one road to glory opened 
to his view; but, to reach her temple, he mull not 
attempt to mount higher, (as allegory would inrtruti 
him,) but be content to defeend from the eminence. 
Sylla, Chriftina, and Wafhington, have done fo be- 
fore him. Public men, under certain circumftances, 
may find that “ the port: of honour is a private 
“ fiat ion.” To Bonaparte it would alfo be the port: 
of fafety. He may confer happinefs on France, 
if, availing himfelf of the power which military 
fuccefs has placed in his hands, he models his future, 
conduct from examples which may be found in 
our hiftory, not indeed in the Protectorate of 
Cromwell, but in the period which immediately 
fucceeded it. I cannot believe that France is for 
ever defined to experience an elective government. 
The chances of peace may place the fabric of the 
Hate in that country on firm foundations:—but 
we muft wait with patience, dum dejluat amriis . 

- - - d The 


C 34 1 

The tide of revolution is ebbing away very fad * 
may the returning hood “ lead on to fortune \ ” 

In edimating. the probability of future fecurity, 
we do not appear to have attached fuiRdent im¬ 
portance to the events of the lad campaign. The 
force of nations depends as much on their moral 
character, as on their territorial and financial re- 
fources. A people who think themfelves inferior 
to their adverfaries in military fikill and martial 
prowefs are already half conquered. Doubt is the 

beginning of defpair. Mod of the fuccelies of the 

* 

French are afcribable to energy and confidence. 
Pojfunt quia pojfe videntur. The charm, however, 

which led them on from victory to victory, is at 

* \ 

length, 1 trud for ever, cliiTolved. They now mud 
know that, even with fuperior numbers, they are 
not more formidable to us in the field than on the 
ocean. That a French army of equal force ever 
fuccefsfully withftood the Britifh basonet, no fair 
indance, I believe, can be adduced. From the 
nature, however, of a continental war, few oppor¬ 
tunities have occurred for large bodies of our 
troops to a 61 unconnected with foreigners. But 
the expedition to F.gypt has proved that in difci- 
pline, valour, endurance of fatigue, patient perfe- 
vering exertion, the veterans of France may be 
excelled by the youth of Britain. Our army has 
a ided a never-fading wreath to the laurels won at 
Blenheim, Ivlinden, and Quebec, JPoderity will 

read 


V 


C 35 ] 

i 

read with aftonifliment, that lefs than 14,000 * of 
our troops, many of whom had been nearly a 
twelvemonth at fea, landed in a country, above 
three thoufand miles diftant from their own ; a 
country, too, flrongly fortified by nature, and gar- 

rifoned by 28,000 French f, the flower of thofe 

' ‘ * 1 

victorious 

, y .. 3 tj i>.' * ft ■ • . vu j , -f 

* The returns from the army under General Abercromby in 
MarmorifTa Bay, on the ift of January, 1800, amounted to 16,061 
rank and file, fit for duty, including 469 Marines. At this period 
the Tick lift exceeded 2000. About 17,000 troops arrived in the bay 
of Aboukir, in March, and the effective rank and file landed in 
Egypt did not much exceed 13,000 men. In the months of July and 
Auguft, a reinforcement of about 4500 men arrived from Great 
Britain and the Mediterranean garrifons; and about the middle of 
July, the Indian army of 5000 men, half Bnrilh and half Sepoys, 
reached Cairo, but too late to be employed in the ficge of Alexan¬ 
dria. The arrival, however, cf this army in the Red Sea in the end 
of April, probably contributed towards the evacuation of Upper 
Egypt, and much afiifted the operations againft Cairo. The affiftanc? 
derived from the cooperation of the Turks, refulted from their ap¬ 
pearance and pofition more than from their perfonal exertions. 

f The Gazette accounts of the operations of the Britilh army 
enable us to afcertain, with fufficient precifion, the number of the 
French forces in Egypt in March, i 3 oi» 

Taken Prif oners and capitulated 

MES\ 


18th March, at Aboukir - 150 

21 ft March - * - - 100 

19th April, at Rofetta ~ - - 368 

9th Mav, at Rhamanie * Ho 

Cavalry taken on their way from Alexandria - 53 

14th, in veflels on the Nile - *• - 150 

$7th, the garrifons of fort Lefbe and Burlos - 700 

D z Taken 


C 36 ] 


vi&orious legions, who had fpread terror through 
Italy, and vanquilhed the be ft troops of Auftria. By 
three battles, and two fieges, we re-conquered 


Taken with 5,50 Camels ... 600 

25th June, at Cairo (including 500 Greeks) - 10,000 

- 

2 rft Auguft, in Marabout Caftle - 180 

45th, furprifed by ift battalion of the 20th - 57 


ad Sept, garrifpn of Alexandria (including 1300 Sailors) <1400 

Killed 

! 0 ; a ■ . •* ■ "* 

15th May, in the battle near Cairo * - 50 

The killed, in the different actions with the Britifii, thofe 
who died of their wounds, of the plague in Cairo, 
or were deftroyed by the natives, after the 8th of 
March, cannot, reafonably, be eftimated at lefs than 5000 

Total, exclufive of the followers of the army, of various 
deferiptions. Of thefe there were taken 3500 at 
Cairo; and more, probably, at other places. 27,018 

' . * -J 

The number of French fea and land forces employed in Egypt, 
appears from various documents, found among the intercepted letters 
publilhed two years ago, to have been above 6c,000 men. Some 
addition may be made to this number for the crews and troops carried 
out in veftels which have entered Alexandria fince Auguft, 1798, and 
for the hoft of fpeculators, (“ faifeurs de fortune ,” as they were 
called,) who accompanied the army to Egypt. 

Of the naval force of the Republic employed in this expedition, al] 
the French line of battle fliips, amounting to 13, were either taken 
or deftroyed ; and of 14 frigates, which attended them, very few 
tfcaped a fimilarfate. The General, indeed, deftined to be Firft Con- 
ful, eluded the vigilance of our cruifers ; and returned to France : 

“ Sed qualis rediit, nempe una nave”- 

The lots of the B: itifh, in Egypt, it is fuppofed, did not altogether 
exceed 2000 men. a 


4 


Egypt 



. [ 37 ] 

* 

Egypt in lefs than (ix. months *, and fent home 
23,000 Frenchmen, difgufted with fchemes of In¬ 
dian conqueft, and humbled by defeat. They will 
record our tiiumphs in every department of the 
Republic, and teach their countrymen to remem¬ 
ber, for many years to come, that the lad events of 
the war were difaftrous to France, and glorious to 
Great Britain. Our exploits at Aboukir, Alexan¬ 
dria, and Cairo, by impreding the French with 
corredl notions of our means of defence, will add 
fecurity to peace. The Invincibles , who fled before 
us in Africa, will not intimidate us in Europe. 

If a Northern Confederacy fhould again be 
formed to invade our maritime rights, which have 
been formally recognifed by the Convention of 
Peterfburgh, the Sound will form no barrier to our 
fleets, the harbours of the Baltic will furnifh no 
protection to an armed neutrality. In 1780 we 
were infulted with impunity: in 1 800, Denmark, 
Sweden, and Rufiia, again attempted to infult us; 
but the kffon they received from the battle of 
Copenhagen will prevent the attempt from being 

* The army landed on the Sth of March, in tempeftuous weather, 
in the face of a numerous enemy who were defeated with great lofs. 
On the 13th the French made an unfuccefsful attack, and were again 
repulfed with Jofs; and on the 21ft a general aflion took place, in 
which they were completely routed. Aboukir Caftle furrendered on 
the iSthof March ; Rofetta on the 19th of April; Cairo on the 25th 
of June ; and Alexandria on the id of September. 

D 3 


repeated^ 


t 38 ] 

repeated, as long as the exploits of a Nelfon arc 
remembered in the Baltic *. 

I confider the iilands which have been ceded to 
us by the Treaty of Peace to be mod valuable ac- 
quifitions. Ceylon, whether we regard its fix¬ 
ation at the fouthern extremity of the Peninfula 
.of India, its excellent port of Tfncomale, (the 
only good one near our fettlements,) or its rare 
productions, will increafe the fecurity, and extend 
the commerce, of our Indian empire. Nor fhould it 
be forgotten that Tippoo, the antient ally of France, 
(who aimed through him to fubvert our power in 
Afia,) has been deftroyed; that our provinces in 
the Carnatic have been ftrengthened on their mod 
vulnerable fide, by the annihilation of fo pow¬ 
erful and implacable a foe; and that the partition 
of his territories has enabled us to narrow our fron¬ 
tiers, to form very beneficial alliances, and to bid 

* Our viftory over the Danes, and our naval preeminence at the 
conclufion of the war, were concifely and elegantly ddcribed in a 
Prologue to the V/edminfter play in lad December. I regret that 
my memory does not enable me to quote more than four lines; and 
they, poffibly, are not corre£lly dated. 

-—-- , . .<< fama- 

“ Concinet ut Galli cellarunt aequore toto, 

“ Ut Batavse Rheno delituere rates: 

“ Concinet et Danos uno diferimine fradtos, 

“ Fcederaque Arctoo tirmius idta polo." 

Fittion is ufually confidered as the province of Poetry: but in this 
inftance Poetry is allied v\ ith Truth. 

defiance 



I 

' [ 39 ] 

defiance to the jealoufy oflndians, and the ambition 
of Europeans. If the annexation of Belgium to 
France is a valuable conqueft, let us be allowed to 
compute our grins in the Myfore. They are held 
by the belt poftible tenure—good government. 
Nor will any reafonable mind feel alarmed becaufe 
the French are to receive back Pondicherry, and 
the Dutch are to re-occupy their Comptoirs in the 
Eaft. Mere places of trade, circumfcribed by our 
fettlements, may excite our vigilance, but can 
never prove formidable to our power. In India 
vve are the lords paramount and, though we permit 
the huckfter and the chapman to eretft theirbooths 
in our market, we do not fear that the grant will 
enable them to ftrip us of our demefnes, or to be- 
fiege us in our caftles. 

In the Weft-Indies we retain an iftand, more 
extenlive than all the iflands we re (tore: more 
ad vantage ou fly fituated, both for commerce and 
defence, than Jamaica; lefs exhaufted by cultiva¬ 
tion, lefs expofed to Jacobinifm. Trinidad, im¬ 
proved by Britifh capital, and defended by Britilh 
power, will, probably, in a very few years rival our 
moft flourifhing Weftdndia colonies. 

Minifters mud comply with fome of the pre¬ 
judices of commerce. The poflcflion of the 
French Windward iflands, as military polls, was 
indifpenfable to us in war. They were the point 
d’appui of our lbgar colonies. But I do not regret 

d 4 the 


t 4° ] 

the eeffon of Martinico and St. Lucia to France, 
or of Demerara and Surinam to Holland. When 
we contemplate the fate of St. Domingo, we 
fhould not wifh to fatten more vi6lims for facrifice. 
The noxioulhefs of a climate more fatal to Britons 
than the fword, the proximity of the States of Ame¬ 
rica, and the fpirit of infubordinatFn ( a fpirit, 1 
fear, that will not ceafe, even with the abolition of 
the Slave Trade) have much leffened the value of 
Tranfatlantic property. 

Of the acquisitions of France I entertain very 
different Sentiments from thofe expreffed by the 
advocates for war; but the limits of a pamphlet 
will not allow me to compare her gains of popu¬ 
lation and of territory with her Ioffes, both moral 
and political. The acc< unt would be a long one. 
In lefs diftratfed times, France herfelf may proba¬ 
bly Strike a fair balance, Set down her Ioffes with 
corredtnefs, and compute her gains without exag¬ 
geration. 

It is no objection to peace, that by it much muff 
be hazarded ; for more would be hazarded by a 
prolongation cf the contcff. All great political 
meafures-, war and peace moie efpecially, are ex- 
peiiments. Our ftatefmen well know that more 
than mete parchment is required to cement the 
amity of nations: that time, the meft powerful 
of agents, the chief improver of human inffitutions, 
muff cooperate with political wifdcm to render 

peace 


t 41 ]• 

, ' ' * V * ' «i 

peace a bleffing ; that felf-intered vviil foften antient 
animofities ; and that commerce, Cf the golden gir¬ 
dle of the globe will bind us together, when 
our fiercer pafiions would difunite us. 

It is a narrow policy to fuppofe that our pro- 
fperity mud be advanced by the ruin of France. 
A commercial nation will be benefited by an 
increafe of her bed cudomers. The more induf- 
trious France becomes, the more fenfible fhe will 
be of the bleffings of peace, and the more anxious 
to prefcrve them. Nor will her advances in focial 
arts, though they may add to her drength, dim:nidi 
our fecurity. It feems to have been wifely ordained 
by Providence that the wealth of nations fhould 
not difpofe them to aggredion, though it may fur- 
nifti them with defence. The poored and mod 
uncivilized tribes have ever been the greated con¬ 
querors. 

The advocates for war apprehend that what 
the Republic cannot ededt by force, die may ac- 
complifh by craft, and that we may fall, like the 
Trojans, 

“ —Captiquedolis,lacrymiique coafti, 

“ Quos necjue Tydides,nec LarilHeus Achilles, 

“ Non anni doinuere dectro, non mille carinae.” 

I entertain no fuch apprehenfions : I confider 
our undifputed fovereignty in the Ead, and our 

* C’OWpCT. 

ry "j • 

4 . . .. A 


union 


[ 4 = ] 

** • 

union with Ireland, (another beneficial confequence' 
of the war,) as fonie c< indemnity for the paft, and 
<c fecu ify for the future.” To thefe mod valuable 
acquifitions, but above all, to the activity of Britifh. 
induftry, and the energy of Britifh fpirit, which 
(under the blefling of Providence) have conduced 
us through war with honour, I look with confi- 
dence for refources, that may preferve us in peace 
without humiliation. 





tP *■ 

* .yfw 4 J 1 


V 


LETTER 


£ 43 1 



LETTER III. 

ON THE COMMERCE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 

Every war, in which Great Britain has been en¬ 
gaged fince the reign of Queen Anne, except that 
which has juft terminated, has fo much affected the 
relations and connexions of this country with other 
parts of the civilized world, that, if the extent of 
our commerce be eftimated by the tonnage of the 
veflels employed, (which upon the whole appears 
to be a fairer criterion of the magnitude of our 
trade than the Cuftom-houfe valuations of imports 
and exports, though they ought not to be wholly 
difregarded,) it will be found to have progreflively 
declined during each period of hoftility to a point 
much below its amount in the preceding period of 
peace. In the war, which originated from our 
difputes with Spain in 1739, t ^ ie tonnage of veflels 
cleared outwards from the ports of England and 
Wales fell from 503,568 tons, the tonnage before 
the war, to 446,666 tons in 1744, and did not 
reach its former height till 1748, which, as Prelimi¬ 
naries were figned early in April, may be confldered 
as a year of peace: in that of 1756, from 661,184 
. „ w tons. 


[ 44 ] 


tons, the average of the years 1749, 1750, 1751, 
(I have not the accounts of the rhree fubfequent 
years before me,) the tonnage funk to 524,710 
tons, its lowed depreflion during the war; and 
though it afterwards rofe, it did not wholly recover 
itfelf till the return of peace : and in the American 
war a dill more remarkable diminution took place. 
The following extrads from Mr. Chalmers’s Edi- 
mate will exhibit at one view the various dudua- 
tions in our commerce during each of thefe pe¬ 
riods. 


Tonnage of Veflels, Englilh and Foreign, cleared out¬ 
wards from the Ports of England and Wales. 


Peace 


War 


Englith 

Tons. 


6 1 

7 >4/0,94* 


Years. 

173 6 

173 
173SJ 

' 1 739] 

*740 >384,191 
1741 

'744 
1 747 39+-57 1 
»748 479> 2 3 6 




373,817 


Foreign 

Tons. 


26,627 


72,849 
101,07 1 

75,477 


Total 

Tonnage. 


503,568 


87,260 471,451 


Aver. 

of 3 
years. 

ditto. 


446,666 

496,242 

554,7*3 


Peace 


f ^ 49 ] 

j 1 750 >609,798 
11751 3 


War 


-‘ 7 551 

*75 6 7 451,254 
1 75 ? J 

I760 471,241 


I761 508,220 

^ 1762 480,444 


51.386 661,184 ditto. 


73,456 524,7 10 ditt °- 

*02,-37 573 97 s . 

117,855 626,055 

120,126 600, C70 

i'cace 






[ 45 

] 



EnglUh 

Foreign 

* l t 

> 

Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Total Tonnage. 


'1770 

7 ° 3>495 

57,476 

760,971 

Peace< 

1771 

773 . 39 ° 

63, 53 2 

836,922 

1 772 

818,108 

72,003 

890,711 


1 773 

77 '>483 

54,820 

826,303 


U 774 

798,240 

65,273 

863,513 


1 7 75 

783,226 

64,860 

8+8,086 


177 6 

778.878 

72,1 83 

851,066 


1 777 

736,234 

83,468 

819,702 

War ; 

1778 

657,238 

9 8 , I1 3 

755 , 35 * 


1 779 

5 90,9 1 1 

139,124 

73°>°35 


1780 

619,462 

I 34 , 5 I 5 

753,977 


I78 I 

547,953 

163,410 

711,363 

1782 

552,851 

208,5 11 

761,362 


Of the caufes of this depreflion in our commerce, 
the principal feem to be, that in war we are 
ufually oppofed to thofe dates which in peace are 
our bed cuftomers* that during hodilities the rifk 
of capture fo much enhances the expence of freight, 
which conftitutes a part of the price of every ar¬ 
ticle exported, and the charges of feamen’s wages 
and infurance are fo much increafed, that neutral 
nations not only become the carriers of our goods, 
but are enabled to underfell our manufacturers in 

V • • • i ’ 

f 

foreign markets; and that a confiderable part of the 
national capital being required during war, for Ap¬ 
plying the exigencies of the date, lefs labour can 
be fee in motion for the purpofes of commerce. 
During the lad nine years, however, peculiar cir- 
cumdances have prevented thefc caufes from pro^ 

ducing 


4 






[ 46 ] 

ducing their ufual efFeT ; or rather have counter* 
balanced them. Since the commencement of the 
war our commerce has fo much increafed, that the 
tonnage of veffels, cleared outwards from Britifh 
ports, has arifen from 1,639,300 tons, its amount 
in 1792, the mod floiirilhing year of peace this 
country ever experienced, to 2,130,322 tons. 
The following table exhibits this increafe, and 
the progrefs of our navigation fince the year 
1788. 


An Account of the Tonnage of Britiih and Foreign 
Vefieis which entered inwards, and cleared outwards, in 
the feveral Ports of Great Britain, from, or to, all Parts 
of the World, in 1789, and the eleven following Years. 


VefTels entered Inwards. 


Years. 

Britifh Tons. 

Foreign Tons.. 

Total Tons. 

1789 

1 >398,333 

190,676 

1,589,009 

1790 

>>428,376 

277.599 

i, 7 0 5,975 

1791 

> >452,498 

321,364 

>,773,862 

3792 

1,587,645 

304,074 

1,891,719 

1793 

> >34 2,952 

332 375 

>,6/5,327 

1794 

1,452,786 

334.205 

1,786,991 

1795 

1,242,785 

390,030 

1,632,815 

1 796 

1 , 474,949 

520,069 

1,995,018 

*797 

1,150,222 

455,678 

1,605,900 

1798 

1,289,144 

410,028 

1,709,>72 

>799 

i,375>i69 

476,556 

>,^ 5>,765 

ibeo 

i,379>8o7 

763,236 

2 ,> 43>°43 


Veflels 


i 47 ] 


Veffels cleared Outwards. 


Years.. 

Britifh Tons. 

Foreign Tons. 

Total Tons. 

1789 

i> 5 ° 7 > 6 3 6 

103,697 

J.611,333 

.1790 

M 99>23 3 

148,974 

1,548,207 

1791 

1,511,29+ 

184,729 

1,696,023 

1792 

I > 5 ( > 3,744 

75 . 55 ° 

1,639,300 

17 93 

1,240,202 

137,032 

i ,42 7, 2 34 

l 7 9 + 

1,382,250 

2 18,567 

1,600,817 

179 *; 

1 . 145)450 

332,567 

1,520,017 

i 79 6 

1,254,626 

47 s > 35 $ 

i, 7 . 32 , 9 8 4 

'797 

1,103,781 

396,271 

1,500,052 

1798 


3 6 5 - 7'9 

1,684,870 

J 79 9 

1.302,5 5 X 

414,774 

I > 7 ‘ 7 > 3 2 5 

1800 

I . 445 > 2 7 1 

685,051 

2,150,32a 


The i'ncreafe in the im ports and exports is ft ill 
more extraordinary than the increafe in the ton¬ 
nage, exhibited in the preceding table. It appears 
from the following official ftatements of the In- 
fpedtor General of the Imports and Exports of 
Great Brit bn, that the Exports of 1799 2nd 1800 
amount to more than the Exports of 1777 and the 
five following y* ars, and that the Exports of 1800 
are nearly quadruple the amount of the Exports 
twenty years ago. During the American war the 
Exports feldom exceeded the Imports: in one year 
(1781) they were lefs. The Exports of the firft 
eight years of the lad war exceeded the Imports by 

more than £ 50,000,000 official value; and in. 

/ 

eluding the ninth year, 1801, it is probable, that 
the excefs of Exports during the war above the 

Imports 


\ 


t 48 ] 

Imports was more than £60,000,000 official value *. 
Since the profperous year 1792 our Imports have 
received an increafe of one-ha f, and our Ex¬ 
ports of two-thirds, of their amount at that period ; 
our Imports in 1800, compared with thofe of 
1785, were as two to one, and our Exports as five 
to t.vo. It alfo appears that the Britiffi manufac- 
tures exported in 1800 were valued at more than 
thofe exported in the two years 1785 and 1786; 
that they very nearly equal thofe exported in the 
two years 17S5 and 1793; and that the Britiffi 
manufactures exported in 1799 and l ^ 00 exceed 
by ten millions official value (which are equal to 
about feventten milii -ns real value) the amount of 
Bridffi manufactures exported in any other two 
years that can be feleCted. It is true, that in fome 
articl s of export, an increafe may be aferibed to 
the war; but when it is confidered that provifions, 
and naval and military fiore c , ffiipped in the King's 
traniports, are not entered on the books of the 
Cuftom-houfe, a very ample allowance may be 
made for the extraordinary demand created by thq 
war; and yet a confidence furplns will remain., 
which mud be placed to the account of extended 
markets and improving commerce. 

VALUE 

* It cannot, however, be fuppofcd, that the real’value of the balance 
of Exports and Imports amounts to this fum. The real value of the 
Exports in 1799 exceeded the official value, about 40 per cent. ; and the 

teal 


t 49 ] 

VALUE OF IMPORTS *. 


Years. 

From Eaft In¬ 

All other Parts. 

Total Imports 


dies & China* 

..... 



£■ 

f 

£■ 

5777 

1, 834,221 

10,809,612 

12,643,834 

1778 

1,526,13© 

9,349,402 

IO ; 975>533 ■ 

1 779 

716,323 

10,718,940 

h, 435> 26 3 

* I780 

970,726 

9^405 ( 3 

10,812,246 


W, u „ 

C J ' 
’Cl. I 


n T 


VALUE 


VU-, 


»•<?«/ of the Imports that year exceeded the official value, about 
82 per cent . (See p. 43, 50, 52,) and the Imports and Exports that 
year, in real value , nearly balanced each other » the real value offoreign 
merchandize exported was fomevyhat lep than the official value. 
(See p. 53,) The real value of Bdtijb manufadlures exported may¬ 
be taken in round numbers at 70 per cent, more than the official value . 
(See p. 53.) If thefe data were applicable to every period of the war, 
the real value of the Imports and Exports, in round numbers , might 
be adjufted thus * 

♦ /> 4 • T • "I f’ - 4 / “ 

Official value. Real value. 

£• £ 

Imports in 8 firft years of the War 193,000,000 -{-82 p. ct. — 360,000,000 


Exports—Britiffi manufactures 150,000,000 + 70/>• ct. — 2 = 5,000,000 
Foreign merchandize 95,006,000 95,000,000 


Total Exports 350,000,000 
Balance of Imports - Total value 10,000,000 

It muft be recollected that a confiderable part of our Imports is a 
Remittance Trade to proprietors of Eaft and Weft India property, re- 
fident in Great Britain. 


* The totals, in fome inftances, in this and the following table, 
amount to £.1 more than the two firft columns added together ; thifc 
arifes from the /hillings belonging to the firft and fecond columnsi 

£ whea 




[ 5 ° 1 

VALUE OF IMPORTS*. 


Y ears. 

k • ■ 1 

From Eaft In¬ 
dies’ & China. 

All other Parts. 

Total Imports,. 


L- 

£■ 

A 

17s 1 

2,5.26,33 9 

10,197,274 

12,723,613 

17 8 2 

626,319 

9-7 1 5 >Sp 9 

10,341,828 

17 8 3 

I »3 OI >495 

11,820,7 39 

13,122.235 

1784 

2,996,652 

12,276,224 

15,272,877 

17 8 5 

2,703,940 

I3,575,47S 

16,279,419 

3786 

3,156,687 

12,629,385 

15,786,072 

1787 

3,430,868 

14,373046 

17,804,014 

3788 

3,453, 8 97 

H,573, 2 7 2 

18,027,1 70 

1789 

3,362,545 

i4,45 8 ,557 

17,821,102 

179° 

3,149,87° 

15,981,015 

19,130,886 

2791 

3,69 8,713 

15,97', o6 9 

19,669,782 

1792 

2,70! >547 

16,957,810 

'9, 6 59>35 8 

1 793 

3,499, 02 3 

'5,757,693 

19,256,717 

1794 

4,45 8 >475 

1 7 , 8 3 °, 4 i 8 

22,288,894 

T 795 

5,760,8 IO 

16,976,079 

22,736,889 

179 6 

3,372,689 

19,814,630 

2 3,187,3'9 

17 97 

3>94 2 ,3 8 4 

I 7,°? I ,57 2 

21,013,956 

• i79 8 

7,626,390 

20,230,959 

2 7, 8 57, 88 9 

1799 

4,284,805 

22,552,626 

26,837,432 

1800 

4,940275 

25,628,330 

30,570,605 


when they amounted to a pound, having been added together for tire 
total. This remark applies to the fubfequent tables. The eight 
firft years in thefc tables of imports and exports were taken from the 
Report of the Lords’ Committee of Secrecy, 1797, Appendix No. 40^ 
and the remaining years were derived from the Trade and Navigation 
Account, laid before Parliament in Junelaftj that- account, however, 
varies in a fmall degree from the accounts of 1799 an(1 ‘ *800. The 
year i8qi was fupplied from the Cuftom-houfe. 


1 . 


VALUE 


C 51 ] 


VALUE OF EXPORTS. 


Years. 

Britifli Produce 
and Manufac¬ 

Foreign Mer- 

Total Exports- 


tures. C 

chandize. 

■N, 

£- 

£■ 

£■ 

2777 

9,30.0,26 6 

4,130,763 

13,491,079 . 

'1778 

8,207,503 

4,046,392 

12,253,895 ‘ 

1779 

7,648,286 

5,890,289 

13,538,575 

I 780 

8,813,690 

3> 8 34>9 2 5 

12,648,616 

I78l 

7> 6 33>33 2 

3>7 o8 ,9 6 3 

11,342,296 

1782 

9,109,561 

3,907,829 

13,017,09,? 

1783 

10,409,713 

5-°5 8 o74 

15,468,287 

.17^4 

11,887,628 

3>M,434 

i 5>734 ) °6 2 

1785 

11,081,810 

5>°35>357 

10,117,168.. 

178 b 

11,830,372 

4,475,493 

16,305,866 

1787 

I2 ?°53’9 00 

4,815,889 

16,869,789 

*' 1788 

127724,719 

4,747 >5 18 

I_ ,47 2 , 2 3 8 

1789 

I 3»779,5° 6 

5,551,042 

I 9>34°,54 8 

1790 

1.4,921,084 

5> I 99>°37 

20,120,12 1 

1791 

16,810,018 

5,92,1,976 

22,73 1 >995k 

179Z 

rs, 3 3 6,851 

6,568,348 

24,905,200 

1 793 

13,892,268 

6,497,9 11 

20,390,180 

1794 

16,725,403 

10,022,680 

26,748,083 

1795 

i 6 >33 8 , 2i 3 

10,785,125 

2 7? x 2 3>33S 

1796 

!9,I02 5 220 

11,416,693 

4 i . 

30,518,913 

3 1797 

16,903,103 

I2, 0 I3,9 0 7 

28,917,010* 

1798 

i9> 6 7 2 »5°3 

i3>9i9; 2 74 

33>59 b777 

1799 

24,0^ 4? 2 ^ 3 

11.907,116 

35>99 I ?3 2 9 

1800 

24,304,283 

18,847,735 

43> I 5 2 > 01 9 


It is hardly necefiary to remark that thefe values 
are not the real values of merchandize imported 
or exported. The ra^es of value fettled in 1697 
have been continued at the Cuftom houfe; and 
according to thofe rates the value of all merchan¬ 
dize imported or exported is entered in the books 

E2 Of 


\ 


[ 5 2 ] 

of the Infpector General ; but fince that period 
the price of almoft every article of commerce 
has fo much increaled that its official value falls 
very much ffiort of its real value : in fome few 
inftances, however, this is not the cafe in an 
account of the rated value, and of the value agree¬ 
ably to the prices current, of the foreign merchan¬ 
dize exported from Great Britain to Ireland, (laid 
before Parliament in 1799,) it appears that the 
rated value of liquorice, mahogany, coffee, rice, 
faltpetre, linfeed feeds, Bengal Italian and thrown 
filks, rum, and tar, is more than their real value : 
coffee is rated at nearly thrice its current price. 
The Convoy A£t, palfed in 1798, required the 
merchant to declare the real value of Britifh mer¬ 
chandize exported, in order that the export duty 
might be afeertained 5 but the exports to Ire¬ 
land, certain articles ufed in the fifheries, and 
cotton manufadlufes of all deferiptions, being ex¬ 
empted from the payment of this duty, the infor¬ 
mation which it furnifhed was neceffarily imper- 
fedl. By affuming, however, that articles exported 
to Ireland, or ufed in the fiffienes, .may be efiimated 
at the fame rate of value with articles of a fimilar 
value exported to other countries, and by forming 
an eftimate of the true value of cot on manufac¬ 
tures exported, the Infpe&or General has been en¬ 
abled to date to Parliament the real value of mer¬ 
chandize exported. From the firft half year’s 

operation 


[ • 53 ] 

operation of the Convoy Duty, it appeared that 
the declared value , on which a duty was paid, ex¬ 
ceeded the rate of value in the Infpedtor General's 
hocks about 71 per cen '. on the whole of the Britifti 
manufactures exported. The real value probably 
exceeds the declared value. In fome years, owing 
to the great quantity of coffee, and other high¬ 
rated articles being re-exported, the official value 
of foreign merchandize exported exceeds the real 
value*. The Infpedtor General has laid before 
Parliament the following ftatements of the real 

value of our imports and exports. 

» 

IMPORTS. 


Years. 

From Eaft Indies 
and China. 

All other Parts. 

Total. 


£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

1799 

8,918,248 

40,083,922 

49 , 002,170 

1800 


45 > 573 >‘ 3 S 



EXPORTS. 

4 j 

Years. 

Btitifh Manu¬ 
factures. 

Foreign Merchandize. Total. 


£■ 

£• 

£• 

1798 

33,148,682 

h> 347> 6 92 


1799 

38,942,498 

50,290,190 

1800 

39,471,203 

16,359,640 

55,810,843 


Total adlual value of imports and >' 

exports in 1799 - - - * ^ 5j 

It appears from the refolutions on Finance, 
moved by Mr. Addington, and adopted by the 
Houfe of Commons, laid Summer, that the total 

♦This, it appears, was the cafe in 1799 tSoo. 

e 3 aclual 


/ 


[ 54 ] 

actual value of Imports and exports in 1800, fup- 
poftng the imports from the Eaft Indies and China 
to be the fame in the preceding year may be 
eftimated at £.110,000,000. 

Three of thefe refoiutions exhibit the progrefs 
of our commerce dining the la ft twenty years in 
to fatisfadlory a point of view, that I cannot deny 
myfelf the pleafure of fubjoining them. 

Resolution XIV.—That the official value of all imports 
into Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th of January, 
1784, was 13,122,239/.} and on an average of fix years, 
ending the 5th of January, 1784, was 11,690,829/. : That 
the official value of all imports into Great Britain, in the 
year ending the 5th of January, 1793, was 19,659,358/. j 
and on an average of fix years, ending the 5th of January, 
1793, was 18,685,390. : That the official value of all im¬ 
ports into Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th of Ja¬ 
nuary, 1801, (fuppofing the imports from the Baft Indies, 
of which no account has yet been made up, to be the fame 
as in the preceding year) was 29,925,858/. f making an in- 
creafe, as compared with 1783, of 16,803,623/. and with 
1792, of 10,366,500/.'.; and on an average of fix years, 
ending the 5th of January, 1S01, was 25,259,890/. making 
an increafe, as compared with the average to 5th ofja- 

* That is£.4,284,805• This eftimate was very moderate ; for the 
imports from the Baft Indies ami China in 1799 were lefs than 
the average of the preceding fix years by ,£.491,913; Icfs than the 
average of the preceding three years by £.6951,862 ; and lefs than the 
imports of the preceding year 1798, by £.3,342,125- It now appears 
,that the imports from the Eafl Indies and China in 1S00 exceeded this 
eflimate "tty £.657,470. Seep. 5c. 

f Their aftual amount was £-30,570,605. See p. 50. 


riuary 


[ 55 3 


nu.ary, 1784, of 13,569,061/. and with the average to 5th 
of January, 1 793 ^ 6,574,500/.; and that the real value 

of imports in the year ended the 5th of January, 1801, fup- 
pofing the imports from the Eaft Indies to be the fame as in 
the preceding year, may be eftimated at about 54,500,000/. 

Resolution XV. —That the official value of Britiffi manu¬ 
factures exported from Great Britain, in the year ending 
the 5 th of January, 1784, was 10,409,713/. and on an average 
of fix years, ending 5th January, 1784, was 8,616,660/. j 
that the official value of Britiffi manufactures exported from 
Great Britain, in the year ending 5th January, 1793, was 
18,336,851/.; and on an average of fix years, ending the 
5th January, 1793, was 14,771,049/.: That the official 
value of Britiffi manufactures exported from Great Britain 
in the year ending 5th January, 1801, was 24,411,067/. * ; 
making an increafe, as compared with 1783, of 14,001,354/. 
and with 1792, of 6,074,216/.; and on an average of fix 
years, ending the 5th of January, 1801, was 20,085,199/. 
making an increafe, as compared with the average to 5th 
January, 1784, of 11,468,539/. and with the average to 
5th January, 1793, of 5,3 14,! 50/. ; and that the real value 
of Britiffi manufactures exported, in the year 1800, may be 
eftimated at about 39,500,000/. 

Resolution XVI.—That the total amount of foreign mer¬ 
chandize exported from Great Britain, in the year ended 
the 5th of January, 1784, was 4,332,909/.; and on an average 
of fix years, ending the 5th January, 1784, was 4,263,930/.: 
That the total value of foreign merchandize exported from 
Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th January, 1793, 
was 6,568,000/.; and on an average of fix years, ending the 
5thof January 1793, was 5,468,014/.: That the total value of 
foreign merchandize exported from Great Britain, in the year 
ending the 5th of January, i8ci, was 17,166,145/. 45 making 

* The exaCt fum was ,£.24,304,283. See p. 51. 

f The exaCt fum was £.18 847,735. See p. 51. 

E 4 


an 


[ 56 3 


t 


an increafe, as compared with 1783, of 12,833,236/.; and 
with 1792, of 10,398,145/. ; and on an average of fix years, 
ending the 3th of January, 180/, was 12,867,958/.; making 
an increafe, as compared with the average to January 5th, 
1784, of 8,604,028/.; and with the average to January the 
5 th, 1 793, of 7,399,994/. ; and that the real value of foreign 
merchandize exported in the year ended the 3th of January, 
1801, may be eftimated at about 16,300,000/. 

The increafe of Britifli navigation is no lefs ex¬ 
traordinary than the increafe of British commerce. 
It will appear from the following accounts, that, 
notwithftanding the encouragements held out to 
foreign traders by the war, fhip-building has thriven 
more than ever; and that our commerce has re¬ 
quired every year, not only additional fhipping, 
but larger veffels than were built before 1793. 


An Account of the Number of Veffels, with the 
Amount of their Tonnage, which have been annually 
built and regiftered in the feveral Ports of the Britifh 
Empire, in 1789, and the Eleven following Years. 


Years. 

VelTels. 

Tons. 

AvcrageT 

17S9 

CO 

19 

7I,°9° 

86 

1 7S° 

72 ; 

68,695 

94 

1 79 1 

7 66 

68,940 

90 

1792 

821 

78,120 

95 

*793 

800 

75.085 

93 

'794 

714 

66,021 

92 

*795 

719 

72,181 

100 

1796 

> 823 

94 5 9/2 

* *5 

1 /97 

1798 

7 5 6 

86,242 

114 

833 

89.319 

107 

1 799 

85S 

98,044 

114 

l 800 

965 

126,268 

130 


An 


V 


\ 


[ 57 ] 


An Account of the Number of Vefiels belonging to the 
feveral Ports of the Britifh Empire, and the Amount 
of their Tonnage, and the Number of Men and Boys 
employed in navigating them, in the Year 1783, and 
the Seventeen following Years *. 


CJ 


C 

O 


o 

-O 

£ 

<u 

■*— 

Cu 

OJ 

co 

4-# 

O 

co 

<u 

•rj 

4 -> 

a 

O 


Years. 

Veficls. 

Tons. 

*• 4 / : 

Men. 

fi 7»3 

8,34a 

669,212 

59,004 

1 17 S 4 

9 ,m 

793.147 

65,880 

1 1 7 8 5 

9*753 

85^,606 

7‘,372 

17 86 

10,192 

920,926 

74,835 

r 1787 

10,41 I 

1,087,874 

81,745 

1788 

13,827 

1,363,488 

107,925 

1 789 

14,31° 

I . 395> 1 72 

108,9621 

1790 

15,015 

1,460,823 

112,556 

17 9 ! 

1 5*645 

I , 5 U, 4 U 

117,044 

! 1792 f 16,079 

1.540,145 

118,286 

j 179 3 

16,329 

U 5 6 4 , 5 2 0 

n 8,952 

| J 79 + 

16,806 

I, 5 8 9 . 75 8 

119,629 

i 1 795 

16,728 

I. 574 . 45 1 

116,467 

I >7 9 6 

17,067 

1,519,298 

120,979 

17 97 

16,903 

1,614,996 

124,394 

1798 

i 7. 2 95 

1,666,481 

129,546 

1799 

i 7, s 79 

1 , 752,815 

135,237 

h T SOO 

18,877 

1 . 9 0 5>438 

143,661 


In the above account, the firfl five years only 
comprehend the (hipping belonging to England 


Accounts, and Supplementary Accounts rcfpe&ingthe Trade and 
Navigation of the Britifh Empire, June, 1801. 

f The late Infpe6tor General was of opinion, that, immediately 
preceding the war, the Merchants {hipping of this kingdom , (by which 
exprelnon I prefume he meant Great Britain only,) amounted to much 
more than ^.1^,000,000. See Commons’ Third Report on the Bank, 


*797> P* 


VC.2 


i 


O 

0 . 


and 


.+*c 







[ 5 « ] 

/ 

and Holland. The accounts of the veflfels belong¬ 
ing to Ireland, Guernfey, Jerfey, Man, and the 
Britifn Colonies in the Weft Indies and America, 
were 1 not returned to the Regifler General of Ship¬ 
ping previoufly to the year 1788, when the Act of 
the 26th of the King, called the Regifter A£t, had 
taken full effect. From the following comparifon 
of the fnipping Belonging to different parts of the 
Britifh Empire in 17SS and 1800 it appears that 
the number of veftels belonging to Ireland has de- 
creafed, and that the greateft increafe has been 
in the fhipping belonging to England and the 


Colonies. 

On the 30th September, 1788. 

Veflels. Tons. 

Men. 

England 

9^58 

*>° 55> 2 99 

79> 8 59 

Scotland 

1,864 

14.9,185 

13 > 2 36 • 

3 reland 

I,Ol6 

60,777 

6,055 

Guernfey, 

Jerfey, 



l >333 

and Man, 
Colonies 

1,36s 

84,426 

7 >442 

t . - .» . 

i 3> 82 7 

1,363,488 

10 7 > 9 2 S 

9 

On the 30th September, 1800. 
Veffels. Tons. 

Men. 

England 

12,189 

1 >463,398 

104,926 

Scotland 

2,286 

168,485 

14,453 

Ireland 

1,003 

54,262 

5,057 

Guernfey, 

Jerfey, 

] 39 ° 

17,110 

t ■ * 

2,749 

and Man, 

J 

ri t t , 

Colonies 

3 >o °9 

202,1 83 

16,476 


18,877 

i, 9 ° 5 > 43 8 

143,661 








[ 59 ] 

/ 

Various caufes have co-operated to raife our 
trade and navigation to this unexampled height of 
profperity. The calamitous effects of revolution 
have long dried up the fources of mercantile opu¬ 
lence in France. The. deftru&ion of Lyons, the 
annihilation of the manufacture of woollens in the 
Southern, and the temporary fufpenfion (in con- 
fequence of the operations of war) of that of cam¬ 
brics and linens in the Northern Departments, 
will, probably, long prevent our neighbours from 
entering into competition with us in foreign mar¬ 
kets. The general infecurity of property on the 
Continent has thrown a vaft capital into Great 
Britain, and thus [upported public credit, with 

. c> , ' 

which the credit of our counting-houfcs is inti¬ 
mately connected. The formidable date of our 
navy, the vigilance of our cruizers *, and the falu- 
tary provision's of the Convoy Act, have given 
confidence and fecurity to our merchants and 
manufacturers. Almoft every port from the Baltic 
to the Adriatic has been (hut againft us by the 


* The Britifh Navy ? 
The French Navy S 

The Britifh Navy £ 
The French Navy S 


Ships of the Line, 
in Feb. 1793 con lifted of ^ 


in Qcl. 

rit 


1801 


201 

39 


Frigates. 

133 

C6 

277 

35 


See Lord Hawkefbury’s Speech on the Peace. 

During the war, 90 French, Dutch, Spanilh, or Danifb, fhips of the 
line, 4 fifties, 190 frigates, and 250 Hoops (bciides about 940 privateers, 
and about 5,coo merchantmen) have been loft, taken, or deftroyed. 


com pul fion 


( 


4 


I 


t 60 ] 

compulfion of open, or the machinations of fecret, 
enemies; but our commerce has forced her way 
even into countries unwilling to receive her :— 

—-— <c Per obftantes catervas 
Explicuit fua victor armaP 

■ > ''' n < . V ,*» r . 

Thofe who apprehend that peace muff, necef- 
farily, leffen the export of our manufactures, feem 
to have been led to form this conclufion from ob- 
ferving that our trade has been increafed, in fome 
branches, by the extraordinary demand for naval 
and military ftores, and other fupplies neceflary 
for our foreign pofteftions, and by the conqueft of 
many valuable colonies \ but they ought alfo to 
confider, that, though the war has furnifhed us 
with fome new markets which we mu ft lofe at the 
peace, it clofed feveral old ones, which we muft 
recover, and that our bufinefs in thofe which have 
not been affedled by the conteft has increafed and 
is increafing. That many valuable branches of 
trade, which the fovereignty of the fea during the 
laft nine years has enabled Us to fhare with neutral 
nations, or to appropriate exclufively to ourfelves, 
will, in confequence of the cefiion of conquered fet- 
tlements, which we have agreed to make, be either 
wholly or partially loft to this country, is indifpu- 
table. 1 am ready to admit that peace will eventu¬ 
ally deprive us of a great part of the trade which 
we now carry on with the French and Dutch fct- 
tlements in the Weft Indies and America, of the 

whole 



[ 6, ] 

whole or greateft part of our trade with the Cape, 
Cochin, Malacca, and the Dutch fpice iflands, and 
of fome part of our trade with the northern dates 
of Europe, and with Portugal. But if our proba¬ 
ble Ioffes are to be charged againft us, we fhould be 
allowed credit for our probable gains; if the cefta- 
tion of hoftilities will deprive us of many new 
cuffomers, it will redore to us many old ones. 
Our trade with the conquered colonies, which we 
propofe to redore, and our trade with the northern 
dates of Europe, may experience fome diminution; 
but our trade with the United States of America 
and with our foreign poffeffions in the Eaft and 
Weft Indies will, probably, be augmented ; and 
our trade with the belligerent powers, which has 
been fufpended during the war, may be expected 
to return to its ancient channel. I fhall confider 
each of thefe four heads feparately ; and endeavour 
to fhew, from a fhort review of the tonnage of the 
velfels which we employed both before, and dur¬ 
ing, the war, in different parts of the world, that, 
whatever evils we may dread from the peace, we 
cannot reafonably apprehend that our manufactures 
will languilh, or our commerce decreafe. 


4 i 


i 


LETTER 


[ 6, ] 


LETTER IV. 

i . ■ io 

ON THE TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. , r 

‘From the following account of the tonnage of 
•veftels entered inwards at the different ports in 
Great Britain, from the Well Indies, fince the 
year 1788, it will appear that our trade with the 
conquered iffands during the la ft four years, has 
amounted to a third of the trade which we carry 
on with our own Weft India colonies; and that 
our trade with the foreign iffands has been tripled 
fince the commencement of the war in 1793. 


Tonnage of Veflels entered inwards in the feveral Ports 
in Great Britain, from the Weft Indies, in 1789, and 
the Eleven following Years. 


Years. 

Biitifli 

Weft Indies. 
Ton'. 

Foreign Weft Indies. Conquered Tflands 
Tons. Tons. 

1789 

- 

142,288 

- 

I2 5 

— 

1790 

- 

340,069 

- 

548 

— 

1791 

- 

H 4> 2 33 

- 

- ■ 3> I2 4 

— 

3792. 

- 

148,36° 

- 

* 2 > 79 I 

— 

1 793 

- 

134,330 

- 

- 2,344 

— 

179+ 

- 

172,408 

- 

- 2,519 

— 

1 795 

- 

154,306 

«■» 

- 4,809 

— 

1796 

- 

> 45>‘9 5 

- 

- 4,9 9 6 

- - 34,62* 

1797 

- 

112,345 

- 

- 3 > 3 66 

- ~ 51,822 

179s 

- 

138,843 


- 3 > 5 S 5 

- - 47 . 4 * 2 , 

1799 

- 

178,782 

- 

- 12,666 

- - 57 o r 09 

1800 

- 

162,425 

- 

- 6,057 

- - 59.755 

The official value of Britifh man 

ufatftures ex- 


ported to our old Weft India iffands, and of the 

imports 


[ 6 3 ] 

4 b 

imports from them, was ftated by Lord Hawkef- 
bury* to be— 

Britifh Manufactures Imports, 
exported. 

On an Average of the Three Iaft £. '£. 

Years of Peace — 2,185,000 3,877.000 

On an Average of the Three 

Years of War, 1798, 1799, and 

1800 — — 3,561,000 5,101,000 

The following official account of imports and 
exports, for eleven years, ending with 1800, 
diftinguiffies the value of Britifh manufactures 
exported during the years 1797, 1798, 1799, 
and 1800, to the Britifh Weft Indies, the con¬ 
quered iflands, and the foreign Weft Indies. Jt 
appears from this account that our imports from 
the conquered iflands are above a third, and our 
exports to thofe iflands not quite a third, of the 
amount of the correfponding branches of trade with 
our own Weft India colonies. 

The late Infpecftor General eftimated the direct 
exports from Great Britain to the Weft Indies, to 
have amounted annually in the four years preceding 
1796, agreeably to the prices current during that 
period, to about /.3,900,00c), and including the 
value of thofe negroes exported from Africa, who 
were retained in the Britifh Weft Indies, to 
/.4,67c,000. He valued the imports, eftimated 
in the fame manner, to have amounted annually in 
the fame period, to /. 6 8,00,coo, a confiderable 
part of which is remittances to Weft India pro¬ 
prietors f. 

* Speech on the Peace, 3d Nov. 1801. 
f Commons’ Third Report on the Bank, 1797, p; iiq. 


* 


r 4 ] 


An Account of the official Value of Imports from thS 
Britifh and Foreign Weft Indies and Florida, and of 
Exports to them, in 1790 and the Ten following Years, 
diftinguifhing Britifti Manufactures from Foreign Mer¬ 
chandize. In the Years 1797? 1798, 1799, and 3800, 
the Britifh Weft Indies are diftinguilhed from the con¬ 
quered Iflands, the foreign Weft Indies, and Florida. 

Value of Exports. 



Value of 

Britifh Ma¬ 

Foreign Mer¬ 

Total 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufactures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 

'' * > . i i J - * 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ ’ 

£■ 

1790 

4,083,30 5 

3 >73 3 > lo 5 

185,064 

1,916,170 

j 79 r 

3,849,494 

2,359>577 

226,895 

4,586,472 

i 79 2 

4,408,53% 

2,646,370 

244,563 

2,890,934 

1 793 

4,647,980 

2,3 ! 4>7°9 

253>'34 

2,567,844 

1794 

5,566,645 

3.257^77 

540,3‘2 

3,79 8 , 1 89 

3 795 

4 > 9 2 9 > 5 1 9 

2,3 9, IOt 

442,653 

2,761,755 

1796 

4,897,698 

3 , 433 , 4'7 

597,257 

4,030,674 


Britifti Weft Indies, including; Trinidad.. 


£• 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

1797 

3,54°,43 1 

2,427,067 

228,347 

2,655,415 

1798 

4j594)° 2 3 

4, 66,636 

394,958 

4,56 1 ,595 

1799 

5,284,306 

4 , 355 , 35 * 

628,178 

4,983,530 

1800 

5,820,223 

2,827,113 339,866 

Conquered Iftands. 

3,166,980 

3 797 

^,63%,637 

794,244 

3 29,457 

923,701 

1798 

i> 79 6 > 6 35 

3 , 294,767 

245,446 

1,540,214 

3 799 

1,469,280 

] , 04,724 

206,442 

j,311,167 

1800 

^543 >534 

] 

704,9 8 142,314 

Foreign Weft Indies. 

847,23 a 


Value of 

Britifh Ma¬ 

Foreign Mer¬ 

Total 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufactures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 

mi 

3 °4>955 

23,609 

3> 92 

26,80 r 

1798 

84,326 

43,926 

6, 20 

5°>°47 

1799 

602,609 

3 37,943 

*36'9 
7,818 

161,462 

1800 

3to, 96 

3 5, 03 
Florida. 

22,921 

1797 

422 


—. 

— 

3798 

— 

■ — 

— * 

1 

3 799 

20,115 

, 

— 

— 

1800 

10,116 

24,792 

4,153 

28,946 


I 




C 65 3 

The following account of the Exports from 
Surinam, and the other conquered colonies, during 
the laft three years, has been recently laid before 
the Houfe of Commons *. 


An Account of the Quantity of Sugar, Rum, Coffee, and 
Cotton, imported into Great Britain, from the Colonies 
of Surinam, Berbice, Demerara, and f flequibo, as far as 
the fame can be made, up in the Years 1799, 1800, and 
1801. 


1 799 


Sugar 
Rum 
1 Coffee 
C Cotton 


( Sugar 

Coffee 

Cotton 


1801 


Sugar 

Rum 

Coffee 

Cotton 


Surinam. 

IOOO CWt. 

4800 CWt. 
245,809 lbs. 

35,258 CWt. 
220 gallons 
63,579 cw ^* 
1,067,910 lbs. 

204,774 cwt. * 
J00,177 gals.: 
162,131 cwt. 
1,803,262 lbs. § 


Berbice, Demerara, 
and Effequibo. 

35,189 cwt. 
14,456 gallons 
39,089 cwc. 

3 > 593>°53 lbs - 

51,199 cwt. 
93,070 gallons 
114,692 cwt. 

7,057,665 lbs. 

95,031 cwt. f 
139,781 gals j 
142,819 cwt. 
7,622,942 lbs. § 


* Ordered to be printed, 13th April, 180a. 

f 1 he Iugars exported from thefe colonies to Great Britain, laft 
year, are equal in amount to a feventh or eighth of-the Iugars pro¬ 
duced by the old Britilh colonies. 

+ Together about the thirtieth of the annual produce of the old 
Britifh colonies. 

§ Together about one third of the whple quantity annually itn- 
Dorted into Great Britain. 

An 


F 





C 66 ] 

An Account of the Quantity of Sugar, Rum, Coffee, and 
Cotton, imported into Great Britain, from the Iflands 
of Martinico, St. Lucia, and Tobago, as far as the 
fame can be made up, in the Years 1799, 1800, and 
1801. 

Martinico. St. Lucia. Tobago. 

C Sugar 2S7,i72cwt 2993CWL 164,212 cwt 

g;j Rum 3>9‘6gals - a 57 > 59 2 g als 

1 Coffee 34,906 cwt - 80 cwt 

^ Cotton 725,602^. 55,331 lbs 7,214 lbs. 


'Sugar i92,249cwt I2,i64cwt 1 i9,656cwt 
„ Rum 5,392 gals 114 gals 194,071 gals 
*2 j Coffee 45 ,ao 5 Cwt 3>945cwt i 24 cwt 
[ Cotton 1,468,112 lbs. 275,549 lbs 7,397 lbs. 


o 

o 


{ Sugar 285,817cwt 18,903 cwt 79,292 cwt 

Rum 17,410 gals- i69,736gals 

Coffee 47,927 cwt 3,513 cwt 42cwt 
Cotton 796,727lbs. 422,119 lbs 24,989 lbs. 

Such is the want of commercial capital, both in 
France and Holland, that, although we may ulti¬ 
mately lofe 50,000 tons of our prefent Weft India 
trade by reftoring Martinico, St. Lucia, and Tobago, 
to the French, and St. Euftatia, Surinam, Berbice, 
Demerara,andEffequibo, to the Dutch, it is probable 
that, for fome time after the peace, a part of the trade 
of thefe fettlements will, dire&ly or indire&ly, find 
its way to Great Britain. In 3763, after we had 
reftored the Havannah to Spain, and Guadaloupe 

and 





t 6 7 ] 


and Martinico to France, thefe places continued to 
trade with this country, and our imports, that 


year, were* 

From Guadaloupe 
Martinico 

Havannah 


^•412.303 

344,16* 
Goods - 249,387 

Bullion - 389,450 


>C-M95 3° 2 


By an arret in Auguft 1784, in the miniftry of 
the Marechal de Caftries, after a fpirited contro- 
verfy in print refpedting the colonial commerce, 
foreigners were permitted, under certain regula¬ 
tions, to trade with the French Weft Ind a iflands. 
Our trade to them in 1786, in confequence of this 
arrets became very confiderable, both in manufac* 
tures and in lumber and provifions j-. 

Of 20,880,000 livresy the value of the merchan¬ 
dize imported into the French iflands by foreigners, 
the British imported merchandize of the value of 
4,550,000 livresy in 189 vefT Is. 

And of 14,133,000 livresy the exports from the 
French iflands to foreign countries, our exports 
amounted to 1,259,000 livres y in 153 veflels. 

if, however, in coniequence of the peace, the 
trade wi h the conquered colonies fhould be loft; to 


* Burke's “ Obfervations on a late State of the Nation/' ift edL 

0 

p. 10. I have corre£ted his figures from Sir C. Whitworth’s Tables, 
See Sth Article of the Treaty of Paris. 

t Young’s Travels in France, 4to edit. vol. i. p. 491. 

1 

F 2 


Great 




C 68 ] 


Great Britain, the peculiar circumftances of the 
weftern hemifphere are fuch, that a very favourable 
opportunity is prefented not only of acquiring thofe 
commercial advantages which might have been 
expeCted from retaining the French and Dutch 
fettlements, but of promoting the national intereft by 
means which they were very ill calculated to afford. 

The antient policy of Great Britain, with regard 
to her Weft India colonies, has been directed to 
favour her manufactures and navigation, by fecuring 
to herfelf the monopoly both of importing colonial 
produce and of exporting European commodities. 

It is unneceffary to examine whether the reftric- 
tions of the Navigation A6t *, to which the mother 
country fubjeCted her colonial trade, were pro¬ 
per at the time they were impofed. Circumftances 
have induced her, on feveral occafions during the 
laft century to depart from them : and the prefent 
ftate of commerce will, probably, lead to a further 
revifion of a fyftem which has already been modi¬ 
fied by the eftablifnment of free ports in feveral 
of the i(lands, and by the provifions of the 12th 
article of the treaty of commerce, concluded, in 
1794, with the United States of America f. 

To confider our connexion with the Weft 
Indies as a channel, only, for exporting Britifh ma¬ 
nufactures in Britifh (hips to Britifh colonies, and 

* xith Ch. II, c. i£. t P. 71. 

■ . ' ' ” for 


[ 69 J 

for importing their produce in Britifh Ihips, is to 
take a very limited view of the benefits which this 
country may derive from her intercourfe with the 
weftern world. The interefts of our navy, of our 
merchants, and our manufa&urers, require that our 
attention fhould be dire&ed not only to the Britiftt 
fugar colonies, but to the lettlements belonging to 
foreign powers. 

The three great points, on which the commerce 
of the Weft Indies muft turn, are 

v I. Their import of provifions, lumber *, and 
naval ftores. 

II. Their import of manufa&ures. 

III. Their export of colonial produce. 

I, All the advantages, derivable to Europe from 
the Weft Indies, muft depend on their improve¬ 
ment, which will be much accelerated by a regular 
fupply of the eflential articles of food and lumber. 
The cheaper thefe articles can be procured the lels 
capital will be wanted for the cultivation of the 
colonies. The proprietors of Weft India eftates 
refide chiefly in the mother country: a faving 
therefore of capital to them is a faving to Great 
Britain. In the French iflands, where the planta¬ 
tions in general belong to refldent proprietors, a 
faving of capital is not an immediate gain, though 

* By lumber, I mean boards, fhingles, ftaves, hoops, mill timber, 
and wood of every denomination. 

F 3 


it 


, r ?° ] 

it may ultimately produce a benefit, to the mother 
country. 

The propriety of allowing the Britifh colonies to 
purchafe provifions and lumber at the heft marker, 
was recognized by the late Miniller, who, in 1783, 
brought in a Bill, known by the name of the 
American Intercourse bill. In confequence, how¬ 
ever, of great oppofition from the merchants this 
Bill was laid afide ; and an A£l palled, auth rifing 
the Cfown, for a limited time *, to regulate the 
trade with America in fuch n anner as his Majefty 
in council fhould deem expedient j*. By the pro¬ 
clamation ifiiied in confequence of this Act, the 
importation into the Britifh Weft Indies of any 
kind of naval (lores, lumber, live (lock, flour, and 
grain, the growth of the American States, was con¬ 
fined to Britifh (hips navigated according to law; 
and the export to thofe dates of Wed Indi pro¬ 
duce was made fubjedl to the fame rednations; 
whild the necefiary articles of faked beef, pork, 
fifh, and train .oil, formerly lupplied by America, 
were prohibited altogether. It is always a wife 
conduct in Government, however enlightened they 
may be on fubje&s of commerce, to regulate re- 

* One year. 

+ See 23 Geo. III. c. 39. The time limited for the operation of this 
A6t was extended by feveral fubfequent A6ls to the 5th of April, 
1.798. On the 19th of November, 1794, a Treaty of Commerce was 
concluded between Great Britain and the United Stares ; and an 
was palled in 1797 for carrying this Treaty into execution. See 37 
Geo. III. c* 97* 


form 


E 71 ] 

, / 

form by the anterior habits and fentiments of thofc 
who muft be affedted by it. A good hound will 
not inftrudt his followers, if he runs too far before 
his pack. A ftrong prejudice againft permitting 
the United States to fupply the Weft Indies, as 
they had formerly done, with provifions and lumber* 
cxifted in 1783. It had fubfided before 1794, when 
the American States were allowed, under certain 
reftridlions, to trade with the Britifh Weft Indies*. 

II. The 

# The izth Article of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navi¬ 
gation between his Britannic Majefty and the United States of Ame¬ 
rica, provides, ** That it fhall be lawful during the time therein 
limited, for the citizens of the United States to carry to any of his 
Majefty’s iflands and ports in the Weft Indies from the United 
States, in their own veflels, not being above the burthen of feventy 
tons, any goods or merchandizes of the growth, manufacture, or 
produce of the faid States, which it is or may be lawful to carry to 
the faid iflands or ports from the faid States in Britilh veflels; and 
that the faid American veflels lhall be fubjeCt there to no other or 
higher tonnage duties or charges than fhall be payable by Britifh 
veflels in the ports of the United States; and that the cargoes 
of the faid American veflels fhall be fubjeCt there to no other or 
higher duties or charges than fhall be payable on the like articles, if 
imported there from the faid States in Britifh veflels. 

4t And his Majefty alfo confents that it fhall be lawful for the faid 
American citizens to purchafe, load, and carry away in their faid 
veflels, to the United States, from the faid iflands and ports, all fuch 
articles, being of the growth, manufacture, or produce of the faid 
iflands, as may now by law be carried from thence to the faid States in 
Britifh veflels, and fubjeft only to the fame duties and charges on 
exportation to which Britifh veflels and their cargoes are or fnall be 
fubjeCl in fimilar circumftances. 

Provided always that the faid American veflels do carry and land 
their cargoes in the United States only, it being exprefsly agreed and 

F 4 declared, 


[ 7 * ] 

II. The export of manufactures to the Britifh 
fugar iflands is as great as their prefenr confumptioa 
requires j and it is only from their future improve¬ 
ment that an increafed demand can be created in 
thefe colonies : if their improvement is promoted 
by the free import of food and lumber, th ir means 
of confumptioa will be augmented, and a larger mar¬ 
ket opened for the vent of our manufa&ures. But 
a favourable opportunity is now prefented for efta- 

declared, that, during the continuance of this article, the United 
States will prohibit and reftrain the carrying any melaffes, fugar, 
coffee, cocoa, or cotton, in American veffels, either from his Majefty's 
iflands or from the United States, to any part of the world, except 
United States, reafonable lea (lores excepted. 

“ Provided alfo, that it (ball and may be lawful, during the fame 
period, for Britilh veffels to import from the faid iflands into the 
United States, and to export from the United States to the faid 
iflands, all articles whatever, being of the growth, produce, or 
manufacture of the faid iflands, or of the United States refpeCtively, 
which now may by the laws of the faid States be fo imported and 
exported. And that the cargoes of the faid Britilh veffels (hall be 
fubje&tono other or higher duties or charges than lliall be payable on 
the fame articles, if lo imported or exported in American veffels, 

“ It is agreed that this article, and every matter and thing therein 
contained, (hall continue to be in force during the continuance of 
the war in which his Majeliy is now engaged ; and alfo for two 
years, from and after the day of the fignature of the preliminary 
or other articles of peace by which the fame may be terminated. 

“ And it is further agreed, that at the expiration of the faid term, 
the two contracting parties will endeavour further to regulate their 
commerce in this refpeCt, according to the fituation in which his 
- Majeliy may then find himfelf with refpeft to the Weft Indies, 
and with a view to fuch arrangements as may heft conduce to the 
mutual advantage and extenfion of commerce.” 

blifhing 


C 73 3 

blilhing an intercourfe with the foreign Weft India 
iflands. The manufactures of Great Britain are in 
a flourifhing ftate : capital and confidence have in¬ 
troduced them into every quarter of the world. 
The manufactures of France are annihilated. In 
all the conquered colonies we have eftablifhed con¬ 
nexions, of which the fpirit and enterprife of our 
merchants will probably avail themfelves, if they 
are not reftriCted from entering into competition 
with the French, the Dutch, or the Danifh, trader, 
in the Weft India market. 

111 . The cultivation and improvement of the 
iflands, and the confequent export of colonial pro¬ 
duce, muft depend on the extent of the demand of 
thofe countries which confume it. The demand 
for fugar, l apprehend, will increafe. It will in¬ 
creafe in France, which during the laft ten years 
was too much impoverifhed by revolutionary war¬ 
fare to confume her ordinary quantity of fuperflu- 
ities. It will increafe in Great Britain, in confe- 
quence of the progrefs of wealth, population, and 
improvement. The reduction of price, arifing 
from the reduction of freight, (one very obvious 
effect of peace,) will increafe the confumption in 
other parts of Europe. Our continental fettle- 
ments in North America, as they advance in pro- 
fperity, will take off more W eft India produce 
than they do at prefent. The cultivation of our 
fugar iflands will alfo be encouraged, by an exten- 

fion 


[ 74 ] 

fion of the fur trade, and of the fiflieries. But it 
will be chiefly promoted by the increafing demand 
of the United States*, which are now become a 
confiderable market for the vent not only of rum, 
but of fugar and of coffee. If the Weft Indies 
cannot thrive without a fupply of American pro¬ 
duce, America has wants which can only be grati¬ 
fied by the fugar colonies. A mutual demand is 
thus created, which is not only beneficial to both 
thofe countries, but to Great Britain: for the re¬ 
mittances from the Weft Indies, to difcharge their 
balances to Americans, contribute to enable Ame¬ 
ricans to difcharge their balances to Britifh mer¬ 
chants. A commerce with America is not only 
conducive to the profperity, bub efiential for the 
fubfiftence, of the Weft Indies. They are fupplied 
from the United States (for their imports from 
Canada and Nova Scotia are inconfiderable) with 
fifli, flour, grain, and live ftock, with materials for 
their habitations, mills, and warehoufes, and with 
packages for their rum and fugar. In peace time 
the annual amount of thefe imports cannot be ex- 
pe&ed to amount to much lefs than a million fter- 
ling. Twenty years ago they exceeded 700,000/. 

* In 1790 the population of the United States was 3,929,326 perfons. 

According to a cenfus taken in 1S00 it was 5,214,801 
It probably now exceeds five millions and a half, the population of 
England and Wales at the Revolution. 


official 


[ 75 ] 


official value*. In return for thefe indifpenfable 
commodities, the Weft India iflands furnifh the 
United States with fugar, melaiies, rum, and 
coffee. It is probable that more than one half of 
the rum made in the iflands, is exported, either 
legally in Britifh, or clandeitinely in foreign, vef- 
fels, to the continent of America. 

Thefe confiderations, it may be hoped, will in¬ 
duce his Majefty’s Government to adopt an en¬ 
larged and liberal fyftem of Weft Indian commerce, 
and to avail themfelves of the favourable opportu¬ 
nity, which the prefent fituation of the new world 
(whether confidered with reference to the con- 
quefts which we keep, or the conquefts which we 
reftore, the ftate of our fugar iflands or that of 
the French and Spanifli fettiements) prefents to 
us: 

I. To ftrengthen the defence of the old colonies; 

II. To provide for the increafing demand for 
Weft India produce;—and 

III. By opening new and extenfive markets for 
the vent of our manufactures to promote the pro- 
fperity of Great Britain. 

The two firft obje&s 1 conceive will be attained by 
the fettlement of Trinidad. Itspofition to wind¬ 
ward of all our fugar colonies, except Barbadoes, 
will enable it, if it fhould become the head quarters 

* Edwards’s Hift. of the Weft Indies, eol. ii. p. 39?. 

of 


/ 


C 7« ] 


/ 


of the Weft Indies, to fuccour the windward and lee¬ 
ward iflands in any future war, and even to protect Ja¬ 
maica. As a naval ftation it is of very great import¬ 
ance. As it is placed midway between the French 
fettlements in Guiana and the Spanifh main, all 
communication between them by fea may be ob- 
flrucled. Armaments, if armaments fhould be at¬ 
tempted at Surinam, Demerara, or EfTequibo, will 
be eafily watched. The conqueft of the Dutch 
fettlements, if again neceffary, will be much facili¬ 
tated. As to any danger which the vicinage of 
the French, or the extenfion of their Southern 
boundaries to the Arowary, may create to the 
Britifh Weft Indies, I confider them as extremely 
vifionary. Under a vertical fun* they will not rival 
us in induftry: in the peftilential marfties and 
woods of Guiana they will not increafe and multi¬ 
ply. The conqueft of the Nile did not enable 
them to march to the Ganges: the poffeflion of 
the river of the Amazons, the Oronooko, or the 
Mifliftippi, will not enable them to annihilate the 
commerce of the Thames. 

The quantity of land, that is fit for cultivation in 
Trinidad, exceeds 800,000 acres. If cleared, it 
would in a very few years afford employment to as 
many inhabitants as Jamaica; and produce 
100,000 hogfheads of fugar, befides rum, cotton, 

* Th e r i ver Arowary is only one degree north from the equator. 

5 ' and 


[ 77 ] 


and other articles. I conceive no folid objections 
can be urged againft the fettlement and improve¬ 
ment of Trinidad, becaufe the annual confumption 
of Great Britain does not exceed 120,000 hogs¬ 
heads, which the old iflands are able to fupply. 
Some intelligent perfons, indeed, have doubted 
whether ci the extenfion of the cultivation of the 
Weft India iflands beyond that degree that is 
requifite for fupplying Great Britain and her de¬ 
pendencies with the principal articles of their pro¬ 
duce is likely to promote the interests of the em¬ 
pire but, in general, political economifts have 
fuppofed (and our commercial regulations have, in 
a great meafure, countenanced the fuppofition) 
that by the re-exportation of furplus colonial pro¬ 
duce, not wanted for home confumption, the na¬ 
tional wealth is increafed. The proprietors of 
Weft India eftates moflly reftde in the mother 
country; and if they are benefited by the re-export¬ 
ation of the produce of their eftates, Great Britain 
muft participate. In every part of civilized Eu¬ 
rope, there is a permanent demand for fugar, the 
chief production of the Weftlndies. Any increafe 
in the quantity, which we can re-export in Britifh 
fhips, muft not only augment the national wealth, 
but ftrengthen our naval powder. 

One of the advantages attending the acquifition 

* Edwards’s Hiftory of the Well Indies, vol. ii. p. 464. 

of 


[ 78 ] 

of Trinidad is, that if, from the confideration of 
the peculiar circumflances of the french Weft 
India iflands, and the general fpirit of infubordina- 
tion which revolutionary do&rines are calculated 
to produce among the negroes, the Britifh Govern¬ 
ment fhould be led to entertain doubts whether the 
fyftem adopted in the old iflands is applicable to 
a new colony, perfons defirous of acquiring land 
in the ceded fettlement may be fubje&ed to regula¬ 
tions which, whilft they do not interfere with the 
rights and interefls of others, may appear to be beft 
calculated for preventing dangers which might 
other wife arife from a great inequa ity in the num¬ 
ber of Haves and of free inhabitants. In moil of 
the iflands there are feven or ei^ht blacks for one 
white: in many of them corps of Haves have been 
trained to the ufe of fire-arms: two of our colonies 
(St. Vincents and Grenada) have fcarce’y recover¬ 
ed from the calamitous effects of infurre&ion; a 
fmall band of Maroons proved formidable in the 
heart of Jamaica; and in the largefl: French ifland, 
the negroes, who, during the laft ten years, made 
their will their law, have not yet become peaceful 
cultivators and obedient Haves. 

I do not enter into the difcuflion whether flavery 
is compatible with religion, morality, or found 
politics. The queftion now is, whether a new and 
extenfive colony, contiguous to the Spanifh, Dutch 
and French fettlements in South America, fhould 

be 


[ 79 3 


be allowed to be peopled with an indefinite num¬ 
ber of Africans. The queftion is not whether the 
fyfiem of flavery in the old iflands, all things con- 
fidered, is not the bed both for them and the 
mother country. 

The didurbed date of the French colonies has 
occafioned a great deficiency in the produce of 
fugar, which the pofTeflion of Trinidad may enable 
us to fill up. If St. Domingo for fome years to 
come fhould not raife one third, cr even not more 
than two thirds, of her antient produce, the de¬ 
ficiency would not be fupplied by the Dutch colo¬ 
nies, even on the fuppofition that, when Britifh ca¬ 
pitals, and the protection of a Britifh government, 
are withdrawn from them, their produce will 
equal the amount of lad year.. Monf. de Char- 
milly, who has corrected fome errors of Edwards, 
informs us that the fugar annually produced in St. 
Domingo before the revolution was 2,035,201 
cwt. Englifh weight*. The fugar exported from 
Surinam, Berbice, Demerara, and EfTequibo to 
Great Britain, lad year, was 299,805 cwt.; and 
the average of the lad three years w r as 140,812 
cwt. f 

III. The third objeCl (the vent of Britifh manufac¬ 
tures) will be bed appreciated, if we direCt our con- 
fideration to the prefent date of the export trade tp 

* Anfwerto Edwards, p. 63. 
f See p. 65. 

the 


[ 8o ] 

the Weft Indies. The demand, for Britifh goods 
and for affortments of every fpecies or Euro¬ 
pean manufactures, is not confined to the Britifh 
Weft Indies. A lucrative and extenfive trade 
in thefe articles has been carried on, by neutral 
Hates, not only with the Danifh iflands, and 
Porto Rico, but alfo with St. Domingo and the 
Spanifh main. The returns for thefe goods are 
fpecie, or raw materials fit for the Britifh market, 
indigo, coffee, cotton, cocoa, tobacco, hides, tallow, 
mahogany, fuftic, and a variety of dye-woods and 
other non-enumerated articles*, the produce of 
thofe countries. This commerce has been hitherto 
carried on from thofe free ports which the wife 
policy of feveral European nations has eftablifhed 
in the Weft Indies. St. Euftatia, without a har¬ 
bour, without any produce of its own, in confe- 
quence of the freedom of its port, and the facility 
with which bufmefs was tranfa&ed there, in a few 
years became the centre of commerce, and (for its 
fize) the molt opulent of the Weft India iflands. 
It is well known that, during the laft peace, Cura- 
coa was converted by the Dutch into a vaft ware- 
houfe, in which aUortments of every kind of Eu¬ 
ropean commodities might be procured. Thither 

* Commodities, in the export of which the colonies were confined, 
by the Navigation A 61 , to the market of the mother country, having 
been enumerated in that a£t, and in other navigation a£ts, are called e?iu- 
meratsd commodities: the relt are called non-enumerated . 


the 


[ «i ] 


the Spaniards reforted, both from their iflands and 

• / 

the main* to exchange their go!d,filver, cocoa, co¬ 
chineal, bark, haves, and mules, for negroes, linens, 
cottons, filks, laces, ribbands, India goods, fpices, 
quickfilver, heel, and iron. What Dutch policy 
effected at Cura^oa, Britifh wifdom will, probably, 
accomplifli at TVinidad. The eilablifliment of 
free ports in proper fituations in the weltern hemi- 
fphere will contribute very materially towards the 
extenfion of our Well India trade. The articles 
which the Spaniards are defirous of purchafing with 
the produce o' America confift chiefly of manufac¬ 
tures in which we peculiarly excel. Some years ago, 
the Spaniih fettlements were principally fupplied 
with linens and cottons from Germany ; and in the 
firh of thefe articles that country will conrinue to 
rival us: but our artifls can nowfo well imitate the 
German linens and cottons in texture, colour, 
fizes, aflortment, and manner of packing, that 
we have been enabled to carry on a confiderable 
trade, in thefe articles, with Spaniih America ; and 
there can be little doubt but that, with proper 
attention, it may be preferved during the peace* 

In the manufacture of heel we are unrivalled ; in 

- 

that of iron and other metals, we are rapidly ap¬ 
proaching to perfection. India goods, it is proba¬ 
ble, might be (I do not believe they are) conveyed 
to the Weft Indies, at as fmall an expence by 

g Britilh, 


[ 8a ] > , ; .jm 

Britifh, as by American, {hipping. The Have 
trade (I fpeak of it only in a commercial view) 
promil'es to open new fources of mercantile profit. 
The demand for negroes muff, for fome years to 
come, be very great; St. Lucia, Martinico, and 
Trinidad, may dill be fupplied, although the, not 
iC happier, ifland in the ftormy wafte,” St. Domin¬ 
go, fliould continue to be deemed too pure a foil 
for flaves to dwell in. 

During the laft war, the Danifh ifland of St. 
Thomas, though its foil is fferil, and its harbour 
ill proteded from ftonns and hurricanes, ac¬ 
quired great importance. This fettlement, which, 
20 years ago, did not poffefs a population of 4000 
fouls, in the fhort fpace of ten years increafed it to 
ten times that number. In the year 1799 its ex¬ 
ports to Great Britain, and imports from that coun¬ 
try altogether amounted to upwards of £800,000. # 

Senfible of the value of free ports, the Britifh 
legiflature, at different periods, have paffed ads 
for allowing the free import and export of certain 
merchandizes to four ports in Jamaica, to two in 

* Viz. Exports from St. Thomas £ 593,971 

.Imports—Britiili manufactures ,£,228,788 
Foreign merchandize 22,189 

-350,977 

Total (real value) 844,94s 

Dbminica, 


♦ 



[ 83 ] 

Dominica, to one in Grenada, and to one In tile 
Bahama iflands*. By an aft pafled in 1796 the 
port of Scarborough in the ifland of Tobago, and 
by an aft pafled in 1797 the port of San Jofef in 
the ifland of Trinidad, were declared free ports-p* 
From an infpedion of the map of the Weft 
Indies, it will be feen, that none of the prefent free 
ports are advantageoufly fituated for carrying on an 
intercourfe with Porto Rico, the Danifh iflands 

* By the 6th Geo. III. c. 49. live cattle and all other commodities, (to¬ 
bacco excepted,) the produce of any foreign American colony, were al¬ 
lowed to be imported into the Britifh free ports in Dominica, in foreign 
vefTels not having more than one deck ; and all foreign produce (ex- 
cept fugars, coffee, pimento, ginger, melafles, and tobacco,) was al¬ 
lowed to be imported into the free ports of Jamaica, in vefTels of one 
deck: the export, however, of the produce of the Britifh iflands from free 
ports wasprohibited. The export of negroes (imported in Britifh fhips) 
was permitted in vefTels of one deck. No goods were allowed to 
be exported from the free ports to any port of Europe north of Cape Fi- 
riiflerre ; nor to Great Britain, except in Britifh fhips, navigated accord¬ 
ing to law. The free ports in Dominica were permitted to export 
foreign fugars in Britifh fhips to foreign parts of Europe, fouth of Cape 
Finifterre. VefTels from Dominica laden with Weft India produce 
(live cattle excepted) were prohibited from touching at any other ifland* 
This aft contains other regulations refpeftirig the free ports in Jamaica 
and Dominica. It continued in force feven years, and was extended by 
the 13th Geo. III. c. 73, and the 14th Geo, III. c. 41, to the ift of No¬ 
vember 1780; and by the 21ft Geo. III. c. 29, the above afts were re¬ 
pealed, and fomuch of the 6th Geo. III. c. 49, as related to free ports in 
Jamaica was continued to the ift of November 1787. By the 27th 
Geo. III. c. 27, all the former afts were repealed; and free ports, on a lefs 
extenfive fcale, eftablifhed in Jamaica, Dominica, Grenada, and New Pro¬ 
vidence, one of the Bahama iflands. 

f 36th Geo. III. c, 55.—37th Geo. III. c. 77, 

G % 


of 


- [ 8 4 ] 

of St. Thomas and St. Croix, and the weftefn 
coaft of St. Domingo. The definitive treaty wilt 
deprive Great Britain of Tobago and Cura^oa j 
the ifland of St. Thomas has been recently reftored 
to the King of Denmark. It is therefore to be 
apprehended that, unlefs a new policy is adopted, 
the trade with the foreign ifiands will revert To 
Dutch or Danifh free ports, that Britifh capital 
will again be transferred to Cura^oa or St, 
Thomas, and that the produce of the foreign Weft 
India ifiands, deftined for thofe parts of Europe 
which pofiefs no colonies, inftead of palling through 
London will be configned to Amflerdam, to Ham¬ 
burgh, or to Copenhagen. The period, however, 
is aufpicious for the eftablifhment of a Britifh free 
port in the neighbourhood of the leeward ifiands* 
Porto Rico, and St. Domingo. The trade of St* 
Thomas is fufpended, for a time; and the capital 
which carried it on has been lodged in America, 
and will there remain till a free port, with equal 
privileges, is re-efiablifhed. The laft war has 
proved that Denmark, though eager to injure our 
commerce, could not protect her own. Commer¬ 
cial capital, vcfted in a Britifh free port, would not 
only be protected from foreign hoftifity, but be 
exempted from thofe fevere exactions* which the 
Danifh laws impofe on the profits of induftry. 

•» Kno'.vn in St. Thomas’s, under the title of tenths and fixths. Tbev 
amount to a tax of 25 per cent, on the property which a trader acquires 
during his refidcnce in the illand. 


Of 


c 85 ] 

Of the various national benefits whic h would re¬ 
fill t from the eftablifhment of a free port, on an ex- 
tenfive feale, the following appear to be the prin¬ 
cipal, 

I. A depot , or emporium , would be formed, where 
not only Britiih manufactures, but every alfort- 
ment of European commodities, wanted by the in¬ 
habitants of foreign Hates, could be purchafed. 

II. The 27th Geo. ill. c. 27. only allows the im¬ 
portation of non-enumerated produce* ; but if fugars 
and coffee were permitted to be imported into a 
free port, convenienily fituated, even under the 
reftriftion that thefe articles fhould not be re¬ 
exported to Europe except in Britiih bottoms, navi¬ 
gated according to law, a confiderable increafe of 
maritime power might be expeCted. To allow the 
Danifh ifland of St. Thomas co reap the benefit of 
the import of foreign fugars, and not to grant h to 
Britifn fubjecls in a Britiih ifland, is a policy un¬ 
worthy of an enlightened legiflature. If the 
planters in the foreign iflands can fend their fugars 
to a neighbouring market, they will increafe their 
purchafe of manufactures. The Americans, when- 

* Viz. Wool, cotton, indigo, cochineal, drugs of albforts, cocoa, log¬ 
wood, fuftick, dye-woods, hides, Ik ins, tallow, beaver, all Torts of furs, 
tortoifefhell, hard wood or mill timber, mahogany and all other woods for 
cabinet ware, horfes, affes, mules, and cattle, the produdtion of any 
American colony belonging to any European power, coin and bullion, 
diamonds and precious (tones. 

G 3 


ever 


[ 86 ] 

ever their treaty of commerce with Great Britain 
is revifed, will aim at being permitted to export 
provifions and lumber to our iflands in vefTels of 
more than 70 tons burthen; and if this privilege 
is granted them, whatever reftri&ions are impofed 
on Britifh fubjedls, it will not be eafy to prevent 
veflels belonging to the United States from carry¬ 
ing fugars, from the Britifh colonies in the Well, 
as they now do from thofe in the Ead*, to Europe. 
Whatever embarraflments the demands of inde¬ 
pendent dates may produce, it is pleafing to refleft 
that the mod thriving branches of our commerce 
have been created by competition, and not by mo¬ 
nopoly. 

III. The edabliihment of a free port, near the 
leeward and windward iflands, will, in any fu¬ 
ture conted with Brance, provide fpecie for the 
payment of the army, and provifions for their 
fubfiflence. If the import and export of grain and 
cattle are permitted, a confiderable trade would be 
carried on not only with North America, but with 
the Spanifh main ; and the free port be rendered a 
depot , to which the inhabitants of the different 
iflands would refort for fupplying themfelves with 
live dock : but unlefs fuch a permiflion is granted, 
as a glut of provifions may often take place, it is 

^ See Letter V. §111. 


not 


[ S 7 ] 


not to be expe&ed that great fpeculations will be 
attempted in this branch of commerce. 

IV. The eftablifhment of a free port would, by 
the vivifying influence of its trade, attradl free fet- 
tlers from all parts of the Wed Indies; and thus, in 
fome degree, form a counterpoife to the great 
number of Haves in the old iflands, and pre¬ 
vent thofe evils which are apprehended from the 
inlubordination of negroes. 

V. The beneficial effe&s of a free port would be 
experienced by the leeward iflands, which might 
thence be fupplied with mules, horfes, afles, cattle, 
and mill timber, upon terms much more moderate 
than they can now be by carrying on a forced 
trade with Porto Rico or the Spanifh main. 

VI. By a legalized export of foreign fugars from 
a Britifh free port the fmuggling, which exifts in 
many of our iflands, would be prevented, and the 
revenue effectually guarded. The facility of dif- 
pofmg of every kind of produce in the Danifh free 
ports attracted the Spaniards thither in preference 
to Britifh ports, where only particular produce 
could be difpofed of. The fame inducements led 
Britifh traders to invefl their capitals in foreign 
iflands, and have prevented our Weft India free 
ports from thriving. 

Jamaica, from its fituation, oppofite to the 
Spanifh main, would, probably, foon annihilate the 
COtnmerce of Cura^oa if it poffeffed equal privileges. 

c 4 Trim- 


. [ S3 ] 

Trinidad, from its vicinity to the Dutch and 
French continental fettiements, may be rendered a 
good fubflitute for Tobago: but it does not appear 
to be as well calculated to become a free port lor 
the reception of fugars and coffee as a frnall iflaad. 
Were thefe arm les admitted at Trinida they 
might, poffibly, interfere with the f aple articles of 
produce which will be cultivated in that fertile and 
extenfive colony*. Nor is the lofs of the free port 
of St. Thomas irreparable- We poffefs Tortola, an 
ifland more advantageoufly fituated in every refpedt, 
better fecured from llorms, containing a harbour 
capable of receiving 3 or 400 yeffels, and not large 
enough to interfere with the interefts of fugar or 
coffee planters.! It raifes no coffee ; and its pro¬ 
duce of fugar has feldom exceeded 3500 hoglheads 
in anyone year, unlefs increafed bv fugars clandef- 
tinely landed from the foreign iflands. Tortola, 
from being fleep and mountainous, may be eafily 


* From the following ftatement, it appears, that the export of fugar 
from Trinidad has doubled in two years; and that its prefent produce 
of cotton is not inconfiderable. 

An Account of the Quantity of Sugar, Rum, Coffee, and Cotton, im¬ 
ported into Great Britain from Trinidad in 1799, 1800, and 1801. 



Sugar. 

Rum. 

Coffee. 

Cotton. 


cwt. 

gallons. 

cwt. 

lbs. 

1799 

26,7:8 

104 

1,898 

1,403,290 

Jgoo 

54 > 5 T 5 

3,oiS 

5 7 

863,987 

1801 

* 9 > 55 r 

1 9»5 37 

3 ) 3*7 

M 8 9>573 


Account ordered to be printed 13th April, 1802. 

defended; 


- [ «9 ] 

defended ; and its vicinity to the Danifh and lee¬ 
ward iflands, Porto Rico, and St. Dumingo, is fuch 
that its intercourfe with them might be carried on 
in very fmall veffels. 

It, among the confequences of peace, the fyftem 
of commercial intercourfe between North America 
and the fugar colonies, propofed bv Mr. t itt in 
1783, fhould be eftablifhed, if markets fhould be 
opened in the Well Indies, upon an extenfive fcaie, 
for the ad mi ill on of European and Afiatic commo¬ 
dities imported in Britifh fbips, and of American 
and Weft India produce in veffels or every descrip¬ 
tion, and the export from Britifh free ports fhould 
be rendered equally free with the export from the 
iQand of St. 1 homas, it may be expe&ed not only 
that the ties of intereft which now connect this 
country with the United States will be drawn ftill 
clofer, but that the trade which has enriched our 
rivals and enemies will ceafe, and that the progrefs 
of every part of the Weft Indies, in wealth, popu¬ 
lation, and improvement, will contribute to promote 
the progrefs of the wealth, population, and im¬ 
provement, of Great Britain. 

The ftateof the French colonies is fuch that it is 
probable a very advantageous intercourfe may be 
carried on with them. The proprietors ofMartinico 
and St. Lucia who, during thelaft feven years, have 
fold us their fugars and bought our manufactures, 
will not eafily be induced to abandon all connexion 
with our traders. Guadaloupe cannot recover its 

former 


C 90 ]• * 

former confequence without the foftering affi(lance 
of foreign capitals and foreign commerce. The 
calamities, which the once-flourifhing colony of 
St. Domingo has experienced, will oblige her to 
relax that fyflem of reftriffcions to which European 
powers have fubjected their colonies. America 
will not iupply her with food, nor will Great Bri¬ 
tain furnifh her with thofe commodities which 
France, at prefent, is unable to manufacture, unlefs 
they receive either fpecie, or the ftaple produce of 
the ifland, in return. 

St. Domingo ftill exhibits an awful example of 
the deftructive effe&s of revolutionary excefs, and 
civil warfare. In population, and in produce, this 
colony, 1 apprehend, now ranks below Jamaica. 

A French Minifter of France informs us that St. 
Domingo contained, 

In 1779 - 32,650 whites 

7,055 people of colour 
249,098 Haves 

Total population 288,803 # 

There were in 1790 30,831 whites, exclufive of 

' European troops and 

feafaring people. 
434,429 negro Haves 

Exclufive of - 46,000 domeftic Haves and 

negro mechanics. 

And about - 24,000 free people of colour,. 

535> 26 o f 

* Necker, furies Finances,'tom. i. c. 13. 
t Edwards’s Hiitory of the Weft Indies, vol. iii. p. 164.. 

The 

\ 




[ 9 1 ] 

The French colony, thus, appears to have con¬ 
tained, eleven years ago, above 530,000 inhabi¬ 
tants. Charmilly eflimated them at 600,000*. 
It was, however, computed, in the year 1793, that 
the clafs of negroes alone had fuftainecj a diminu¬ 
tion of more than 100,000. Mr. Edwards fays, 
that 44 fince that time the mortality has been ftili 
44 more rapid; and, including the lofs of whites by 
44 ficknefs and emigration,” he reduces the popula¬ 
tion of St. Domingo, in June 1796, to 44 two-fifths 
44 of the whole number of inhabitants (white and 
44 black) which it poffefTed in the beginning of 

179 if.’’ According to this calculation upwards 
of 300,000 human beings have either been killed 
or driven out of this devoted country within the 
fhort period of fix years. It is faid that many 
thoufands took refuge in America, and that many 
have returned to St. Domingo. Civil war, however, 
again rages with exterminating fury. The vic¬ 
tories, and the defeats, of Le Clerc, will hill fur¬ 
ther diminifh the refources of the colony. Towns 
and plantations are burnt by the negroes, when 
they are fuccefsful; and when they are vanquifhed 
a flock more valuable than houfes, or mills, is de- 
flroyed. 

The benefit which the mother country derived 
from this colony during the laft twelve years was 

* Anfwer to Edwards, p. 158. 

f Edwards’s Hiltory of the Weft Indies, vol. iii. p. 357. 

very 


[ 92 3 


very inGonfiderable. The chief part of the pro¬ 
duce which St, Domingo was able to export was 
configtied to America and other neutral hates: 
the moft authentic accounts from the ifland juftify 
me in thinking that its whole exportable produce 
laft feafon was not one third of what it was in 1789. 
The average exports from the French part of St. 
Domingo, previoufly to the revolution, were 
rather more than 5,000, cool.* In 1791, they 
were upwards of 5,500,000!.^ In 1800, (accord¬ 
ing to an official report of the Minifter of the Inte¬ 
rior, made in May 1801,) 

Livres. Sterling. 

The imports into France 
from all the French colo¬ 
nies in the Eaft and Weft 
Indies were 1,483,800or/61,825 

The exports from France to 
all the French colonies in 
the Eaft and Weft Indies 


were 282,300 or 11,762 

The imports into France, 
laft year, (the 9th year of 
the Republic,) from all 
the French colonies were 2,077,000 or 84,000 
The exports from France 
to all the French colo¬ 
nies 208,000 or 8,400 


* Edwards's Hiftory of the Weft Indies, vol. iii, p. 165. f Ibid. p. 231, 

In 


W ' . [ 93 ] 

In 1780^ St. Domingo Imported French goods 
to the amount of more than 3,500,000!. in 580 

" 1 

veffels belonging to France, carrying 189,679 tons, 
exclufive of 98 veffels engaged in the African 
trade*. In 1800, I believe, (though I will not 
Hate this as a pofitive facl,) not a fingle French 
vedel cleared out from France for this ifland. 

Produce cannot be railed without cultivators. 
The lofs of 300,000, or even of 200,000, ne* 
. groes, and of other agricultural flock, cannot be 
replaced for io,ooo,oool. flerling. Such advan¬ 
tages would refult to our colonies and our com¬ 
merce from the revival of agriculture, and its con¬ 
comitant bleflmgs, that every humane and re¬ 
flecting mind mud wifh that tranquillity were 
reftored to St. Domingo. But the decrees of go¬ 
vernors, black or white, will not, I fear, fill up 
the gaps in her population. The negroes who re¬ 
main, many of whom have retired into the natural 
faftneffes which the country affords, will not be 
difpofed to work double tides; the foldier will not, 
without coercion, once more become the villein 
regardant; the Maroon will not, till his inflruc- 
tors from Old France ufe flronger arguments than 
words, lay down his mufquet and take up his hoe. 
The ifland will long exhibit marks of depopulation, 
unlefs the tutelary genius of the republic can fur- 
nifh her with a Deucalion who may turn her peb¬ 
bles into people* «nd an Amphion whofe fa has 

* 

may rear the p roll rate walls of the ravaged Cap 
J:rancais . 

* Ibid, p. 233. 


/ 


/ 


[ 94 J 


LETTER V. 

C N THE TRADE WITH NORTH AMERICA, AFRICA, AND ASIA 


I. On the 'Trade with North America . 

Our commercial connexions with the United States 
of America are fixed on fuch folid foundations, that 
we have no reafon to apprehend that the future 
political diffenfions of Europe will affect them. 
For many years to come, the Americans, although 
an extenfive fea-ccaft, good harbours, and a fpirit 
of enterprife inherited from their forefathers, fug¬ 
ged to them the employment of a part of their 
capital in commerce, muft continue to diredt the 
larged portion of it to agricultural improvements. 
While we can fupply them with better and cheaper 
goods than other nations can manufacture for them, 
or than they can manufacture for themfelves, they 
will, from the ftrongeft tie, that of intereft, continue 
to be conedted with us. Their intercourfe with 
Great Britain will be promoted by other circum- 
dances : the confanguinity of the two people, the 
fimiiaruy of religion, language, manners, and tafle N 
in the two countries, will dilpofe them to form 
mutual attachments. The opinion, therefore, of a 
German writer fee ms to be well founded, that “ the 
confumption of the manufactures of Europe will 
neceffarily keep pace with the progrefs of cultiva- 
4 tion. 



• C 95 3 

tion in America, until, at fome period yet ex¬ 
tremely remote, the furplus hands not wanted for 
agriculture or commerce mult feek employment 
in manufactures.” He adds, u that as the com¬ 
merce of the United States mult necelfarily be 
pofleffed by Britain, it will be that country which, 
in the end, inftead of lofing, will have gained, 
every thing by a revolution, from which we fondly 
predicted her ruin. If we were to form our opinion 
from that which perfonal animofities, and the re¬ 
collection of civil difeord, have generated in the 
minds of a few individuals of both nations, we 
might fancy that Britain and America would 
never be fincerely united. But fuch feelings are 
tranfitory : nations may be confidered as comba¬ 
tants for hire, whofe animofity never furvives the 
event that occafions it*.” 

Our trade to North America is of the greateft 
importance, as it principally confids in the export 
of our home productions and manufactures. Its in- 
creafe has been very rapid: and, whether it be mea- 
fured by the tonnage of the fhipping employed, or 
by the value of the merchandize fent out, by years 
of war, or by years of peace, it will juftify this con- 
clulion, that our future intercourfe with the United 
States will enlarge thofe fources of employment 
and of wealth, which that country has opened to 
Britifh manufacturers and merchants. 

* Wimpffen's Voyage to St. Domingo, Letter xxxix. 


An. 


/ 


[ 9 « ] 

An Account of the Tonnage of Britifh and Foreign Veffels 
cleared outwards from England and Scotland, to the 
United States of America, in 1789, and the Eleven 
following Years. 

England. Scotland. 



f 

r“ 

- •>-■> 

r~ 

'' -V 

i otal 


Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Tonnage. 

Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

T ons. 

Tons. 

M 

CO 

VO 

58,717 

26,917 

13,961 

2,05° 

101,62 5 

1790 

40,7 8 

36,91s 

10,209 


90,418 

1791 

43, 5 °8 


11,820 

3’ 2 °5 

1 11,134 

3792 

4B45 1 

56,160 

9.5 12 

3> 2 5+ 

110,377 

1793 

7>°54 

56,000 

i )5 10 

4.747 

69,31 1 

1794 

9,672 

64,093 

*> l S4 

2,899 

77,818 

*795 

2,113 

9 °> 3 2 7 

— 

3> OI 5 

95 >455 

1796 

1,522 

99>774 

547 

>.583 

107,426 

*797 

3 / J 4° 

73»5 1 3 

611 

5> 3 62 

83,156 

1798 

6>4 39 

68,999 

1,47s 

5 9 1 69 

82,085 

1799 

11,401 

74,186 

2,865 

4»497 

92,950 

1800 

9>3°9 

105,476 

5,072 

7,120 

126,977 


An Account of the official Value of Imports into Great 
Britain, from the United States of America, and of the 
Exports from Great Britain to the United States ; di- 
fHnguifhing Britifh from Foreign Merchandize ; in the 
following Years: 

Value of Exports. 


Years. 

Value of 

Britifh Ma- 

Foreign Mcr- 

Total 

Imports. 

£• 

nufa&ures. 

chandize. 

Fixports. 

1790 

1,191,072 

3. >78.^94 

253.183 

3,431.77 s 

1591 

1,194 2 3’ 

5>9 9 > 77 * 

295,676 


2792 

1,038,707 

3 > 974)827 

246591 

4,2^1,418 

3 793 

904,040 

3 2*2,725 

141,956 

3,414,68 r 

*794 

b 2 5-733 

3.588,889 

270,981 

3,859861 

>595 

136 

2,080,960 

4,892,572 

361,546 

5,2541 18 

1796 

5>*\35 ^ 4 ° 

2 18,65 r 

6 054,291 

1 797 

1,175.5:2 

4 , 87 i , : .i 6 

185, 06 

5, c 56,822 

1798 

2,7' 2 720 

5313A 68 

267,301 

5 > 5^°>3 70 

1 799 

1,818,941 

6,696,221 

360,337 

7 )° 5 <>> 55 s 

lbOQ 

2 . 357 ' 9 - 3 

6,689,467 

196, .40 

6,885,508 


The 








I 97 ] 

The export of Britifh manufactures to the United 
States in the year 1800 amounted to more than a 
fourth of the export to all parts of the world. 

It appears, from the following comparifon, that 
the export to the United States, during the war, 
has exceeded the exports of Bridfh manufactures, 
during the fame period, to all Foreign Europe. 

An Account of the official Value of Britifh Manufactures 
exported to Foreign Europe, and to the States of Ame¬ 
rica, in 1793, and the Seven following Years. 


Years. 

Foreign Europe. 

States of America, 



£. 

1 793 

3,531,046 

3,272,725 

1 794 

4.458,383 

3,588,889 

I 795 

4,222,782 

4,892,572 

179s 

4 , 497. 68 3 

5,835,640 

1797 

3.732,83° 

4,871,316 

1798 

3,981,650 

5,313,068 

1799 

4,543,608 

6,696,221 

1800 

7,516,123 

6,689,467 

* * \ 

£.36,484,105 

£.41,159,898 


Of the Britifh manufactures exported to the 
United States more than two fifths confift of 
woollens. That country now (lands firfl in the 
lift of foreign confumers of this production of 
Britifh induftry. 


H 


Of 







C 93 ] 


Of £.6,87^,939 the official value of woollens 


exported in 1799, the export to 

£• 

The States of America, was - 2,803,490 

Ireland - - - - 916,190 

Eaft Indies and China - - 668,161 

Portugal and Madeira - - 568,788 

Britifh and Foreign Weft Indies 552,726 


Germany - 427,053 

Britifh Continental Colonies in America 324,739 
Ruftia - 149,789 

r * . . • 1 

The proportion exported to the United States, 
in preceding years, will appear from the following 


account: 


An Account of the Total official Value of Woollen Ma¬ 
nufactures exported from Great Britain in 1790, and 
the Nine following Years, to the United States of 
America, and to all Parts of the World*. 



United States. 

All Parts of the World. 

Years. 

£• 

£■ 

r 79 ° 

1,481,378 

S>' 9°> 6 37 

1791 

1,621,79 6 

5 > 5 ° 5>°34 

179a 

M 6 «>753 

5,5 io ,668 

1793 

1,032,954 

3,806,536 

i 79 + 

U391.877 

4,390,92° 

J 795 

1,982,318 

5,172,884 

1796 

2,294,942 

6,011,133 

1797 

1,901,986 

4 > 93 6 >355 

1798 

2 > 399>9 35 

6 ; 499 > 339 t 

1799 

2 ; 8 ° 3 , 49 ° 

^>876,939 


v From an account laid before the Houfe of Commons on the 30th 
April, 1800, 

t In the accounts refpedting the commercial intercourfe between 
Great Britain and Ireland, laid before the Houfe of Lords in February, 
17-9.9* (No. 2.) the official value of woollens exported to all parts of 
the world, in 1798, is Hated at £.6,836,603. 




[ 99 ] 

The true value, agreeably to the prices current 
in 1791 and 1792, and agreeably to the declarations 
of the merchants exporters in 1798 and 1799, of 
woollen manufactures exported from Great Britain, 
in thofe years, was 


\ 


I 79 I - 

£- 

7>37 6 >745 


1792. 

£- 

7 ^ 3 8 4 3 295 


1798. 

£• 

8 j45 8 j5 6 7 


1799. 

C 

8,529,229 


The value of all the woollens manufactured in 
Great Britain was Hated to exceed £.19,000,000, 
by feveral intelligent manufacturers,examined before 
a Committee of the Houfe of Commons in 1800. 
No regifter, however, is kept of the quantity manu¬ 
factured in any part of-this ifland, except the Weft 
Riding of York; but the following extracts from 
the Returns annually made to the PontefraCt Eafter 
Seflions afford the moft unequivocal proof of the 
profperous Hate of this manufacture in the North 
ofEng ! and. A great part of the increafed con- 
fumption is owing to America, who thus, in fome 
degree, repays the mother-country for having 
reared her to maturity. 


H % 



ir. . 

* 


An 


[ 100 3 

An Account of the Number of Broad and. Narrow Cloths 
milled in the Weft Riding of the County of York, and 
of the Number of Yards made in the following Years. 

BROADS. NARROWS. 

e -- —*' -> e -'■-v 


Years. 

Pieces. 

Yards. 

Pieces. 

Yards. 

1763 

48,038 

— 

72,096 

— 

3 773 

120,245 

3,635,6 3 2 

89,874 

2,206,235 

3 7 8 3 

231,092 

4,563,376 

108,641 

3,292,002 

3 793 

* 9 °> 33 l 

6,054,946 

150,666 

4,783,722 

3 794 

1 90,988 

6,067,208 

13°>4°3 

4,634,25s 

3 7 9.5 

2 5°>993 

7,759,907 

3 55,°87 

5,'72,5 13 

3 796 

246,770 

7,830,536 

3 5 ! >594 

5,245>704 

3 797 

229,293 

7,235,038 

156,709 

5,503,648 

1798 

324,'59 

7, , 34> I 3 4 

148,566 

5, > 80,313 

3 799 

272,755 

8,806,688 

l80, l68 

6,377,277 

l8O0 

285,851 

9,263,9 66 

169,262 

6,014,420 

l80l 

264,082 

8,699,243 

137^31 

4,833,534 


If we compare the import of the raw material 

of cottons, another manufacture which forms a con- 

* 

fiderable part of our exports to America, with the 
import of the wool ufed in our fined broad cloths, 
it will appear, that, though the latter is the mod 
flourifhing, the former has not been materially 
affeCted by the war. 


An Account of the Quantities or Cotton and Spanifh 
Wool, imported into Great Britain, on an Annual Me¬ 
dium of Four Periods of Five Years each. 


Average of Five Years, 
ending on the 

5th Jan. 1776 
5th Jan. 1787 
5th Jan. 1792 
5th Jan. 1799 


Cotton. 

lbs. 

4>4 3 4,757 

16,081,983 

28,853,038 

26,433,73° 


Spanifh Wool, 
lbs. 

1,578,605 

3 ,975,3 2 7 

3,174,429 

3,800,583 


I am 


'><(• 


\ 






C «o* 3 

1 am not enabled to date the amount, either of 
the quantity or value, of the cotton manufadlures, 
exported to America. It however appears from 
the Parliamentary Accounts, refpeCling the Com¬ 
merce of Ireland, that the total official value of 
cotton manufactures exported from Great Britain 
to all parts of the world in the year 1799 was 
£.3,497,197 * $ and that the value, agreeably to the 
prices current, or to the declared value of the mer¬ 
chants exporters of cotton manufactures, exported 
from Great Britain on an average of three years 
ending the 5th January, 1799, was £.4,175,236.f 
Our commerce with that part of North America 
which bears allegiance to his Majefty is of con- 
fiderable importance. Canada and Nova Scotia, 
in the year 1792, which I feleft as a fairer period 
of comparifon than any fubfequent year, imported 
a greater amount of Britiffi manufactures than any 
one country in Europe. Like the United States, 
they promife, from their increafing population, to 
furniffi us with new cudomers ; nor am I dngular 
in fuppodng that the vad extent of country, reaching 
from the Atlantic to the Hyperborean and the 
Pacific Oceans, which has lately been added to 

* ' r - .. • J 

* Accounts refpe£ting the commercial Intercourfe between Great 
Britain and Ireland, ordered (by the Lords) to be printed, zzd of 
February, 1799. (No. i 3 .) 

f Addrefs and Refolutipns of the two Houfes of Parliament in 
Ireland, and Accounts ordered to be printed, 2d April, 1800. (No-1.) 

h 3 the 

% 


1 


[ 102 ] 

the Britifh dominions by the difcovenes of enter- 
prizing traders, may, with proper encouragement, 
ultimately eftfure us the entire command of the fur 
trade in North America*. 

From the following fcaternent of imports and ex¬ 
ports, which extends to the year 1800, and account 
of woollens exported, which extends as far as the 
year 1799, we may reafonably infer that our com¬ 
merce with thefe colonies will continue to improve. 
Whilftthe fpirit of emigration exids in Europe, (and 
the ft ate of France and Germany is Hill liich that 
it cannot be expecled to ceafe in thofe countries,) 
it is not only the turbulent and factious, but the 
peaceable and indudrious, who may be led to feek 
their fortunes acrofs the Atlantic. If French 
Guiana, according to the bird: Confui’s recom¬ 
mendation, be a £ood refuse for the former clafs, 
Britifh America is a better afylum for perfons of 
the latter defcription. Though the climate of Ca¬ 
nada and Nova Scotia is not fo mild as that of the 
United States, it is more healthy. The difficulty 
of obtaining unexceptionable titles to land, we are 
allured, is the only obftacle that prevents this part 
of North America from experiencing a more rapid 
improvement than it does -j-. Every year, however, 
many perfons emigrate from the United States into 

* See Mackenzie’s Voyages through North America, juft publifiled, 
t Weld’s Travels through the States of North America, Letter xxvii. 

Canada ^ 

/ ^ 


t 


[ I0 3 ] 

Canada; and there can be little doubt but that> 
with proper encouragement, thofe who leave Great 
Britain and Ireland to fettle in America, might b e 
induced to feek a colony, where they would ftill 
live under the protection of that country in which 
they firft drew breath. 

'• V ; 

An Account of the official Value of Imports from the 

Britifh Colonies * in North America, and of the Ex- 

_ <. * ■ 

ports to them, in 1790, and the Ten following Years, 
diftinguiffiing Britiffi Manufa6tures from Foreign Mer¬ 
chandize. 

■v. ■ v r \; •. 1 ; r • ' • 

Value of Exports. 


i 1 

Value of 

Britilh Ma- 

Foreign Mer 

T ota \ 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufa6tures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 


£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

1790 

239,°40 

623,770 

216,908 

840,679 

I 79 t 

253. 8 33 

688,658 

205,958 

894,617 

1792 

255.798 

908,105 

211,886 

1,119,981 

3 793 

210,345 

7 3 7,°75 

187,446 

904,529 

3 794 

241,026 

735A9 6 

^35,754 

97 3 , 25 i 

3 795 

314,761 

820,440 

a 7 3 >34-5 

999,786 

1796 

268,777 

85 1 ,349 

1 9,703 

1,021,053 

1797 

283,4s 1 

896,325 

151,828 

1,048,153 

1798 

3‘5,792 

1,166,730 

200,168 

1,3^,898 

1799 

333,3 26 

1,309,79a 

3 I 9*°39 

1, >28,831 

l800 

558,037 

1, 3 9°,3 65 

240,081 

h 43 6 , 446 ' 


* Not including Nootka Sound, which forms an article in the 
Cuftom-houfc books of the year 1800. See Letter VII. 


H 4 


/ 


An 




[ !04 J 

An Account of the official Value of Woollens exported to 
the Britifh Colonies in North America in 1790, and 


the Nine following 

Years. 

Years. 

£■ 

179° 

- 

156,192 

1791 

mm 

152,997 

1 79 1 

- 

l83 ? 68l 

17 93 

- 

I 47>^3 1 

1794 


186,787 

17 95 

' . 4 

196,876 

1796 

- 

224,649 

1797 

L W > j / 

232,329 

*798 


232,869 

1 799 

- 

3 3 4^39 


It appears from the following account of the 
16nnage of veflels cleared outwards from Great 
Britain to thefe letllements, that a confiderable 
diminution has taken place during the war. 

Account of the Tonnage of Britifh and Foreign Veffiels 
cleared Outwards from England and Scotland to the 
Britifh Settlements in North America, in 1789, and 
the Eleven following Years. 

England. Scotland. 


Years. 

Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Britifh. 

Foreign 

Total 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tonnage, 

1789 

52,046 

90 

5,089 

— 

57,225’ 

179° 

44.155 

—- 

4,854 

— 

49,009 

1791 

49.3 J 9 

— 

6,449 

— 

55,7 68 

1792 

48,087 

•— 

7,280 

— 

55,367 

J 793 

34,5*8 

— 

6,766 

— 

41,294 

] 794 

33>3°3 

176 

5^421 

— 

38,900 

1795 

3°>7 8 3 

— 

5,528 

— 

36,3 11 

1796 

29,88l 

— 

5,524 

— 

35,405 

1797 

29,642 

— 

4,005 

— 

33,647 

1798 

27,28& 

— 

7,762 

— 

35,048 

1799 

29,203 

— 

9,568 

— 

38,771 

1800 

33,262 

— 

8,759 

— 

42,021 






[ I0 5 3 


The decreafe in our export trade to our North 
American colonies is principally afcribable to the 
check which our Newfoundland Fifheries have 
experienced in confequence of the unfettled date 
of the markets in the South of Europe, "t he 
tonnage of the fhips employed in thefe fitheries, 
which, on the average of the three years before the 
war, amounted to 31,1 12 tons annually, on the 
average of the laft three years was only 15,840 
tons. It may, therefore, be prefumed that in this 
branch of commerce fome increafe will refult from 
a free communication being opened with Spain, 
and the countries in the Mediterranean. 



^ / 





- \ > 



An 


/ 


C 106 ] 

An Account of the Number of VefTels (with the Amount 
of their Tonnage, and theNumber of their Men) which 
cleared out from the different Ports in Great Britain 
for the Newfoundland, Greenland, and Southern, 


Fifheries, in the Years 1790, 1791 
and 1800 *. 

, 1792, 

1793,1799, 

Newfoundland 

Greenland 

Southern Fifheries^ 

• > 79 °' 

r 298 

, 11 <5 

L 33 

31,614 

33 > 2 3 * 

7,262 

2,6c 8 

» x * t * * C * .#>• 

• t 

ch 

447 

7 2 > 1 3 8 

2,608 

Newfoundland 

Greenland 

Southern Fifheries ^ 

1 

► 1791 - 

308 

116 

> 75 

34666 

33,906 

16,927 

2.6,59 

1.478 

i; !>, {f i \ 4 1 : i , > ' 


499 

84,999 

46 1 7 

Newfoundland 

Greenland 

Southern Fifheries _ 


f 263 

93 

L *2 

27,328 

26,983 

9644 

2,412 

3,667 

816 



398 

^ 4 j°S 5 

68,95 

Newfoundland 

Greenland 

Southern Fifheries - 

•i 79 8< 

162 

66 

l 34 

15^38 

1 8,754 
9643 

1,268 

2,633 

772 



262 

4363 5 

4*673 

Newfoundland 

Greenland 

Southern Fifheries J 

■ 799 j 

' 128 

67 

26 

14,322 

19.360 

7.4S; 

1,145 

673 



221 

4G167 

4,501 

Newfoundland "J 
Greenland 

Southern Fifiieries J 

> i8co< 

f M 3 

L 24 

17,360 

17,729 

6,382 

1,380 

2 >459 

612 



228 

4 M 7 1 

4 M 5 1 


* Accounts respecting Navigation and Trade, ordered to be printed, 
*oth and 23d of June, 1S01. —Accounts refpefting the Newfound¬ 
land Fifhery, ordered to be printed, :5th of June, 1801, 

The 


' . / 










































[ >07 1 


The Newfoundland Exports and Imports arc 
included in the Trade of our American Conti¬ 
nental Colonies. The following Statement exhi¬ 
bits the values of our Greenland and Southern 
Fifhery Trade in 1797 and the Three following 
Years. In Peace the Imports will probably be 
doubled. 

Greenland. 

Value of Exports. 


Value of Britifh Ma- Foreign Mer- Tota! 


Years. 

Imports. 

nufa&ures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 


£• 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

>797 

130,909 

95 

45 8 

554 

1798 

129,161 

92 

69I 

784 

1799 

1 34,909 

— 

5°3 

5°3 

iSOO 

125,805 

— 

761 

76l 


South] 

ern Fishery. 



£■ 

£■ 

£• 

£■ 

17 97 

140,143 

6 

33 

40 

1798 

c<*> 

00 

CO 

CN 

C\ 

V * t , 

J 5 ° 

* 5 ° 

17 99 

84,007 

33 N 

i 9 t 

224 

l80O 

89,198 

— 

2 59 

259 


An Account of the Quantities of Fifh and Oil exported 
from Newfoundland to the South of Europe, in the 
Years 1790, 1791, 1792; 1798, 1799, and 1800 *. 


* 

Fifh. 



Oil. 



Dry. 

Wet. 





Quintals. 

Barrels. 

Tons. 

FI. 

G. 

1790 

58 1,824 

3,667 

78 

I 

9 

> 79 > 

■ 623,083 

4.33 s 

44 

O 

37 

1792 

490,514 

1 

27 

2 

20 


1,695,421 

8,005 

149 . 

3 

66 

1798 

209,995 

— 

4 

O 

0 

>7 99 

238,953 

990 




iSOO 

366,379 


2 

O 

4 

4 

8 i 5 > 3 2 7 

990 

6 

O 

4 


* Accounts refpcdling the Newfoundland Fifhery, ordered to be 
printed, 13th of June, i$ol 
















[ I°8 3 

f 

The other countries to which oil and fiih are 
exported from Newfoundland, are the ifles of 
Guernfey and Jerfey, North America, the Weil 
Indies, Ireland, and Great Britain. Excluiive of 
wet fiih and oil, the confumption of the three 

laft countries has been 

• * ' 



Great Britain. 

Ireland. 

West Indies. 


Quintals of 

Quintals of 

Quintals of 


Dry Fiih. 

Dry Fiih. 

Dry Fiih. 

1790 

29,75° 

i3> o8 9 

58,904 

179! 

53=483 

23,796 

11,935 

1792 

i9>7 l6 

. 13,209 

42,118 

J798 

45.137 

3 ,o°o 

75,415 

1 799 

' 1 3.734 

i,53i 

53 , 882 

I 800 

7,526 

i,537 

97, 2 95 


The Total Export of Fiih and Oil from Newfoundland 
during the above Years, was 


(T> £ < 

( ' £ 

Fiih. 


Oil. 


- 

r 

.. 




, f ■ 

Dry. 

Wet. 



1 

Years. 

Quintals. 

Barrels. 

Tons. 

II. 

G. 

1790 

684,421 

6,22 I 

I , 939 * 

I 

57 

1791 

720,247 

7,011 

8 39 

3 

42 

1792 

5 6 S , 8 33 

5,596 

2,896 

1 

5° 

1798 

353 , 3^3 

6,026 

2,277 

0 

30 

I799 

3 I 3 > 75 6 

3,548 

1,831 

2 

60 

1800 

481,524 

96 

2 , 3 6 7 • 

2 

39 


The Britifh Fifheries, during the laft three years, 
in confequence of the high price of corn, have 
received great encouragement at home, but the 
export of fiih to Italy has mcdfarily declined.— 

\ 


In 




[ I0 9 ] 

In peace, the trade in herrings and pilchards to 
the South of Europe is very confiderable*. 

II. On the Trade with Africa. 

A confiderable increafe may be expeCted in the 
trade with the BritiHi fettlements in Africa, in 
confequence of the peace. A very large fupply 
of negroes will be wanted in many of the Weft 
India ifiands, and the extenfion of the Have trade 
muft neceflarily create a greater demand for Britifh 
manufactures in Africa than would otherwife take 
place. The following account of tonnage and im¬ 
ports does not comprehend our commerce with the 
Cape of Good Hope. Our trade with Egypt is 
comprehended in that with Turkeyf. 

* Mr. Burke, in his “ Obfervations on a late State of the Nation,” 
publilhed in 1769, makes the following judicious obfervations on the 
importance of the Newfoundland trade. “ The Cuftom Houfe entries 
“ furnilh a moll defective, and indeed ridiculous idea, of the molt valu- 
4 ‘ able branch of trade we have in the world, that with Newfoundland—■ 
Obferve what you export thither ; a little fpirits, provifion, filhing 
“ lines, and filhing hooks—Is this Export the true idea of the New- 
“ foundland trade in the light of a beneficial branch of commerce ? 
“ Nothing lefs. Examine our Import from thence ; it feems, upon 
if this vulgar idea of Exports and Imports, to turn the balance againll 
« you. But your Exports to Newfoundland are your own goods— 
“ your Import is your own food ; as much your own, as that you raife 
with your ploughs out of your own foil ; and not your lols, but your 
“ gain ; your riches, not your poverty.—But fo fallacious is this way of 
judging, that neither the Export nor Import, nor both together, fup- 
“ ply any idea approaching to adequate of that branch of bufinefs.— 
** The VelTels in that trade go llrait from Newfoundland to the foreign 
“ market; and the Sale there, not the Import here, is the meafure of 
il its value—That trade, which is one of your greateft and bell, is hardly 
« fo much as feen in the Cuftoin Houfe entries; and it is not of ids 
« annual value to this nation than ^.400,000. ” p. 32. 
f See Letter VI. 


[ no 3 


An Account of the Tonnage of Bririlh and Foreign Veflela 
cleared Outwards from England to Africa* in 1789* 
and the Eleven following Years. 


Years. 

Britifh 

Tons. 

Foreign 

Tons. 

Total 

Tonnage. 

17S9 

1 9^493 

— 

1 9,493 

179° 

26,921 

— 

26,921 

1791 

3 2 . 59 ° 

— 

32,590 

1792 

40,479 

• — 

40,479 

1793 

16,484 

45 

16,529 

*794 

29,034 

224 

29,258 

1795 

18,234 

37 o 

18,604 

1796 

23*251 

1,000 

24,251 

1 797 

2 5>477 

M 3 * 

27,008 

1798 

39 , 3 ID 

755 

40,065 

1 799 

4 i, 77 8 

— 

41 , 77 * 

iSOO 

38,966 

43 i 

39.397 

No velfel cleared out from Scotland 

to Africa in the 


above years. 

* This entry in the Cuftom Houfe Navigation Account does not com¬ 
prehend the tonnage cleared outwards to Barbary, which is here Tub- 
joined. 


. 


B A R B A R Y. 

_ 


c u 


> 


England. 

Scotland. 


r~ * A * 



JJritifli. 

Foreign- 

Foreign. 


Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

17S9 

*, 3^4 



1790 

*>379 



1791 

868 

' * 


379a 

4 > 4*9 



*793 

So 



1794 

215 



*795 

839 



1796 

994 

780 


*797 

00 

N 

654 

*45 

3798 

508 

34 ° 


1799 

49 » 

5 ° 


i8oq 

1 5 ° 

27 ° 

,. * . \i 






[ III ] 


Ah Account of the official Value cf Imports from Africa, 
and of the Exports to that Country, in 1790, and the 
Ten following Years, diftinguifhing Britiffi Manufac¬ 
tures from Foreign Merchandize. 


Value of Exports. 




<— 

^-, 

Total. 

Years. 

Imports. 

Britifh Ma- 

Foreign Mer- 

Exports. 


nufattures. 

chandize. 


£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

1790 

7 ?,8oo 

609,820 

3*9,382 

929,203 

1791 

79’7 8 4 

534,73 L 

3 31 >35° 

856,08 a 

J792 

83,9'2 

882,074 

485,845 

*,367,9*9 

3 793 

120,378 

256,45 s 

3 28,128 

3 8 4,587 

3 794 

48,880 

' 438,577 

3 II >245 

749,82 % 

1795 

6 5>°97 

214,953 

213,778 

428,731 

1796 

3 06,734 

298,162 

310,803 

608,965 

1797 

54,357 

523,367 

364,478 

887,846 

3798 

69,76 c 

777,226 

514,482 

1,291,708 

1799 

I 1 2,789 

1,036,26 r 

590,362 

3,626,624 

3800 

96,563 

589,496 

5IO,l6l 

1 ,099,657 


It appears from the following flatement that the 


Cape of Good Hope has not yet been rendered a 
great commercial eftablifhment. 

An Account of the Tonnage of Britiffi and Foreign Veffels 
which entered Inwards, and cleared Outwards, inthefe- 
veral Ports of Great Britain, from or to the Cape of Good 
Hope in 1796 and the Four following Years. 


Entered Inwards. Cleared Outwards. 


r 

Britifh. 

< — 

Britilh 

• 

Foreign.’ 


Ships. 

-y 

Tons. 

Ships. 

Tons. 

Ships. Tons- 

3796 

6 

2,194 

H 

7,020 

— 

1797 

6 

2,809 

7 

2 , 0/3 

I 44O 

3798 

2 

3°5 

8 

2,268 

1 554 

3799 

5 

852 

30 

3 >33 2 

— 

2800 

3 

620 

10 

2,290 

- — — 11 




From 









[ I 

From this account it appears that the total ton* 
nage of veiTels cleared outwards for the Cape, 
fmce we took poflfeflion of it, amounts only to 
1 7,987 tons. 

J cannot regret that this colony is to be reftored 
to the Batavian Republic. The pofleflion of it 
might have gratified a national vanity, if that be 
deemed a proper principle to encourage by the 
peace, and have enabled us to mortify the pride of 
one antagonifl by difplaying our flag at the fouth- 
ern extremity of Africa, as we wound the feelings 
of another, by retaining a barren rock at the fouth- 
ern extremity of Europe*. I cannot aflfent to the 
opinions of thofe who confider the Cape, cc either 
66 ‘with regard to its ficuation, as favorable for car- 
“ rying on a fpeedy intercourfe with every part of 
“ the civilized world; or to its intrinfic value, as 
“ capable of fupplying many articles of general 
“ confumption to the mother country ; or as a port 
fC folely for the numerous and valuable fleets of the 

Eaft India Company to refrefh at; to ahemble in 

* Mr, Barrow obfervcs, that “ by the capture of the Cape of Good 
“ Hope and of Ceylon, the Britifh language is now heard at the fouth- 
“ ern extremities of the four great continents or quarters of the globe. 
“ Three of thefe have fubmittedto the power of Britain ; and the fpirit 
H of commerce and adventurous induftry has dire£lcd the attention of 
“ its enterprising fubje&s to the fourth on the fmall ifland of Staaten, at 
“ the extreme point of South America, where a kind of fettlement has 
“ been formed for carrying on the Southern Whale Fifliery.” Barrow's 
Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa, p. J. 

• ’ <c time 


[ ”3 ] 

u time of war for convoy ; to reeflablifh the health of 
u their fickly troops, worn down by the debilitating 
<£ effects of expofure to a warm climate ; and to 
feafon, in the mild and moderate temperature of 
<c fouthern Africa, fuch of thofe from Europe as 
“ may be deftined for fervice in the warmer cli- 
<c mate of their Indian fettlements 

It is not wanted as a naval illation for the de¬ 
fence of India ; we poflefs a better in the excellent 
ports of Ceylon. It is not wanted as a place where 
our fleets maybe victualled and refitted. We may 
procure provisions at St. Helena, and in the Bra- 
N zils, By the improvements which have taken 
place in navigation, the voyage to India has been 
Shortened, if not in diftance, certainly in the time 
required for performing it. If we pofTeffed the 
Cape, our Eaft Indiamen would feldom touch at it. 
It is not wanted as a depot where troops may be 
hardened before they proceed to Afia. The very 
healthy condition of thofe regiments which were 
fent from Gibraltar to Egypt has proved, that in 
the fouth of Europe, as well as in Africa, foldiers 
may be feafoned for warmer climates. The Cape 
labours under the fame inconvenience which has 
retarded the advancement of our colony at Port 
Jackfon. The North American States, notwith¬ 
standing the hardships to which the firfi: fettlers 
were expofed, foon acquired confequence, from 
pofTefTing a produce that was wanted in Eu¬ 
rope But in New South Wa ] es no fuch advan¬ 
tage has occurred. Captain Cook, indeed, recom- 


i 


mended 


L 1 ! 4 ] 

Mended the New Zealand hemp, as far fuperior 
to that imported from the North; but it does 
not appear that this article of produce has been 
much attended to. Like our con vidt-plantation 
in the fouthern hemifphere, the Cape pofleffes 
no ftaple commodity (except the very infignificant 
produce of the Conltantia vineyards) which can be 
exchanged for the manufactures of Europe : and 
I hefitate not to affert, that the commercial advan¬ 
tages, which can be derived from the Cape, would 
neither repay us, nor even a more frugal nation, 
the Dutch, for the charge either of its military or 
its civil eftablifhmenr, 

III. On the Trade with Afia . 

An Account of the Tonnage of Britifh and Foreign Vef- 
fels entered Inwards and cleared Outwards from the 
feveral Ports of Great Britain, in the Year 1789, and 
each of the Eleven following Years, to the Ealt Indies 
and China. 



Entered Inwards. 

Cleared Outwards. 

_ A _ 


r 


r - 



Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Y ear?!, 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons, 

1789 

27,695 

— 

22,223 


179° 

27,123 

— 

26,408 


1791 

25,539 

— 

24,109 


1792 

21,560 

— 

27,645 


1 7 93 

25 , 9 °° 

—— 

39,529 


J 794 

34.375 

— 

30,452 


1 7 95 

46,299 

— 

34,7 j 9 


1796 

3 ‘ ,262 

— 

59,457 


1797 

34,365 

1,032 

42,876 

294 

1798 

63,880 

— 

35,543 


1 7 99 

3 ^ 75 * 

1 ? 3°5 

43,049 

9°3 

1800 

49,635 

i,ot8 

49,284 

1,99° 


It appears, from Steel's Lid of Britifh vetfels, em¬ 
ployed in the Company’s fervice, that their ton¬ 
nage exceeds 85,000 tons *. 

* No eftimate of the amount of flapping employed in any branch of 

' The 






C xi 5 ]' 

The export of Britifh manufactures to India and 
China, was greater in the year 1800 than in any 
preceding year, except 1794 ; it exceeds the ex¬ 
port of 1790 by £.40,127 official value; and 
when it is confidered that, during the laft ten years, 
there has been an advance in the price of various 
articles of export, there can be little doubt that the 
real value of our exports to that part of the world 
bears a greater proportion to the official value, than 
it did in 1790; and that the real value of the exports 
in 1800 exceeds them?/ valueof the exports in 1794. 

commerce can be formed merely from a reference to the Cuftom Houfe 
accounts of tonnage, cleared outwards and entered inwards. It appears 
from thofe documents that the tonnage of veflels entered inwards from 
the Eaft Indies and China in 1799 was 40,056 tons; and that the ton¬ 
nage of colliers entered inwards at the port of London the fame year 
was 892,362 tons. (See Third Report on the Port of London, Ap~ 
Pendix, A. 7,) From this ftatement, it might, at firft fight, be fup- 
pofed that the coal trade could furnifh twenty times the quantity of 
Eaft India (hipping. The faff, however, is, that whilft the India (hip¬ 
ping contains 85,000 tons, the colliers frequenting the port of London 
contain no more than 99,151 tons. It is the length of the voyage which 
determines the proportion between the J,hipping and the tonnage entered 
inwards or cleared outwards in the courfe of a year , The report of 
Mr. Jefferfon on the commerce of the United States of America in 
December 1793, dated the tonnage of American veflels, entered in: 
wards, in the year ending the 30th September 179°, 

From France at - - 116,410 tons. 

Great Britain at - 43»5 8 ° 

But, as the American trade with the dominions of France was then 
carried on by (hort voyages to the Weft Indies, and that to the do¬ 
minions of Great Britain chiefly by long ones to Europe, the entries 
of tonnage did not exhibit a correft view of the quantity of (hipping 
employed between each country. The aftual tonnage of American 
(hips trading in the year ending the 30th September 1792' 

With the Dominions of France was 82,510 tons. 

With thofe of Great Britain 66,582. 

Speeches of Mr. Smith of South Carolina, p. 33. 

' I 2 


I 


f x 16 ] 

An Account of the official Value of Exports* to the Eaft 
Indies and China, in 1 790, and the Ten following Years, 
diftinguifhing Britifh Manufa£tures from Foreign Mer¬ 


chandizc. 





Value 

of Exports. 



Britifn Ma- 

Foreign Mer- 

Total 

Years. 

nufa&ures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 


£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

2,386,320 

1790 

2,298,152 

88,167 

3791 

2,176,422 

103,384 

2,279,807 

1792 

3,34 t > 3 6 ° 

9 6 > 5 2 7 

2,437,887 

3 793 

2 , 598 , 73 ° 

322,760 

2,721,491 

3 794 

2,833,234 

92,593 

2,924,829 

3 793 

2,298,533 

84,824 

2,383,358 

1796 

2,219,689 

3 57,287 

2,376,977 

1797 

2,185,486 

102,945 

2,288,432 

1798 

I,094,00_| 

5 : , 9 6 3 

1,145,968 

1799 

2,278,900 

3 5 7,945 

2,436,846 

1800 

2,718,279 

342,141 

2 , 86 o, 42 I 


it will be feen from the following account that 
our export of woollens alone to Afia now exceeds 
a million fterling. 

An Account of the Prime Coft, or Value, of Woollens 
exported to India and China, in the Seafons 1798-9, 
1799-18°°, and 1800-1. 

Pieces. Value. 

£■ £■ 

1798 to 1799 Broad Cloth - 14,175 285,229 

Long Ells — 228,192 553,98c 

Camlets - - 6,563 39,174 

-878,384 

1799 to 1800 Broad Cloth - 35,984 320,328 

Long Ells - - 230,764 567,343 
Camlets - - "12,972 75,671 

-963>342 

1800 to 1801 Broad Cloth - 14,951 305,069 

Long Ells - - 266,590 631,762 

Camlets - - 43*755 9°*452 

-- 1,027,283 

* For the Imports from the Eaft Indies and China, fee p. 49. 

Copper 









t ll 7 3 

Copper is another confiderable article in our 
exports to Afia. From the accounts laid before the 
Houfe of Commons, two years ago, refpecfing the 
copper trade, it appears that a very large propor¬ 
tion of wrought copper, and of brafs, and plated 
goods, exported, is fent to Afia. 

Official Value of Wrought Copper, and of Brafs, and 
Plated Goods, exported to all Parts of the World, 
diftinguithing Afia, in 1790, and the Nine following 
Years *. 



Wrought Copper. 

Brafs and 

Plated Goods. 



All Parts of 


All Parts of 

Years. 

Afia. 

the World. 

Afia. 

the World. 


£• 

C 

1- 

£■ 

1790 

43,2 10 

324,943 

31,469 

171,338 

1791 

51,013 

358.844 

36,472 

20+,-, 69 

1792 

74,73° 

437,043 

64,822 

282,469 

1793 

22Q,490 

465,030 

195,03° 

320,672 

179+ 

235^63 

482,188 

169,920 

279, :6b 

179s 

218,890 

438,772 

174,150 

275,888 

17 96 

202,894 

462,431 

I 73>344 

286,562 

1797 

146,049 

397,495 

H 5 > 5 r 5 

219,099 

179s 

116,543 

413,8+0 

76,50:) 

211,093 

1799 

202,97 1 

5 ‘ 5 ,° 43 t 

J 55) 2 54 

346,6521 


Tin, alfo, forms a confiderable part of the ex¬ 
ports of the Eart India Company. The prime 
coft of the quantity they purchafed in 1795 
amounted to£. 92,204. 

* Report of a Committee of the Houfe of Commons on the Copper 
Trade, 1799. App. 33, 34. Accounts of Wrought Copper, and of Brafs 
and Plated Ware, exporred ; ordered to be printed 2.1 it March, 1800. 
4 The value declared by the exporters was 

Wrought copper - - JT. 626,4:9 

Brafs and plated goods - 613,901 

1 1 3 


An 


• [ “8 ] 

An Account of the Quantity and Price of Tin fold to 
the Eaft India Company in 1792, and the Five follow¬ 
ing Years*. 




Price, 


Total 

Years. 

Quantity. 

per 

Ton. 


Amount- 


Tons. 

£• 

s • 

d' 

£• 

1792 

793 

76 

0 

O 

60,268 

1793 

J 800 

143 ° 

75 

7 2 

0 

0 

oi 

90,960 

*794 

t 800 
l 33 ° 

75 

68 

0 

13 


82,660 

*795 

t 800 

{469 

75 

68 

0 

:\ 

92,204 

1794 

C 8co 
\ 260 

75 

68 

0 

13 


77*853 

1797 

£ 800 
t 4 2 7 

75 

68 

0 

*3 

;] 

89,320 


In return for Britifh manufactures, India now 
furnifhes us with many raw materials of great con- 
fequence to our manufacturers. Indigo, an arti¬ 
cle of which not a fmgle pound was brought from 
India twenty years ago, is now an import of fuch 
confequence, that its fales in one year have 
amounted nearly to one million fteriing. Cotton, 
too, it is probable, may be obtained from India, in 
any quantity required by our manufacturers. The 
average annual export of Malabar cotton, from 
Surat and Bombay to China, is 60,000 bales, oc¬ 
cupying 20,000 tons of {hipping, and producing 
about £.720,000, the greater part of which is 
paid into the Company’s treafury at Canton, for 
bills of exchange on the Court of Directors, or 
lent to foreign agents for the purpofe of buying 

• Report of a Committee of the Houfe of Commons on the Copper 
Trade, 99, p. 5. 


4 


teas 


N 


[ ”9 3 

leas for the market of Europe *. In the year 
i 799> 1 8oc^ upwards of 34,000 bales f (each con¬ 
taining 392 lbs. weight) were imported in 11,500 
tons of fhipping, into Great Britain. Hemp is 
another produ&ion which, it is fuppofed, may be 
imported to advantage. If it fnould be thought 
expedient to encourage the importation of that ar¬ 
ticle from Bengal, it will make a demand for a Hill 
greater fupply of Shipping than cotton J. 

Refpe&ing fugar, another natural production of 
Bengal, we are informed by Mr. Henchman, in 
his interefting Obfervations on the Trade between 
India and Europe, that it cc has, for ages, been 
“ cultivated"’ there “ in very large quantities. It 
“ was formerly an article of export trade; and by 
cc the a&ivity of individuals, aided by the fupport 
“ and aflidance of the Company, it has been ren* 
“ dered fo again ; and will, if it is politically right 
c ‘ to allow it, be an article of great confideration 
fi between the Eaft Indies and the port of London, 
“ to be again exported for foreign confumption. 
“ One very important point, in deciding upon this 

* Henchman’s Obfervations on the Reports of the Directors ot the 
Eaft India Company, p. 25. 

f Equal to 13,328,0001b. The quantity of cotton imported from 
Surinam, Berbice, Demerara, RfTequibo, Martinico, St. Lucia, and TrE 
nidad, in each of the laft three years, was 

Years lbs. 

1799 6,030,299 

1800 10,740,620 

1801 11,959,612 

| Henchman’s Obfervations, p. 16. 

I 4 


<c fubjedf. 


[ 120 ] 

** fubje£), is to recollect the fituation of all foreign 
ct Europeans and Americans in India: they are at 
“ liberty to bring any articles from the Eaft Indies 
“ that may be beneficial. If, therefore, fugar 
“ Ihouldfor any reafons be prohibited to be brought 
c< in Britifh (hips, they will bring it in Foreign 
ff fnips, whenever they find an advantage in doing 
u fo, for the fupply of any part of the world, Eng- 
“ land excepted*'.” 

The fales of theEafh India Company, which, in 
1783, only produced £.3,363,800, now amount to 
more than £.10,000,000. 


Amount of Goods fold at the Eaft India Company’s Sales, 
in the Three laft Years of Peace, and the Three lad 
Years of War. 


Company’s 

Years. Goods.^ 

J 79 ° 3,104,308 

3 79 1 5,141,532 

1 79 2 3,030,819 

Private Trade, 
and 

Privileged Goods. 

' & 

930,930 

7 ° 9>455 

703,578 

Total. 

£• 

6,035, 43 8 
3,850,987 

5 > 754>397 

Company’s 
Years. Goods. 

< v 

Private Neutral 

Trade. Propetty. 

£■ £■ ' 
1,629,959 348,231 

Total. 

£• 

10,315,256 


2,336,980 455,903 

10,160,610 

T c°°? 7 > 6c2 >° 4 1 
j8oi 5 ' 

2,382,092 339,310 

10,122,452 

* Henchman’s 

Obfcrvations, p. 27. 


6 


How 


D- 121 ] 

How different is this (late of our Indian trade 
from its amount at the end of the American war, 
in the year 1783! Yet, extenfive as our commerce 
with Afia now is, it is highly probable that it will 
experience a great increafe. 

The trade carried on with the Dutch fpice- 
iflands, and fettlements at Malacca and Cochin, is 
too inconhderable for us to regret its lofs. One 
Eaft India-man would bring to Europe all the ex¬ 
portable produce of Amboyna, Banda, Ternate, 
and Malacca. 

There can be little doubt but that in the hands 
of Britons, Ceylon (enriched, perhaps, by the in¬ 
troduction of the fpices of thefe iflands,) will be 
rendered a very flourifhing colony; but I cannot 
avoid repeating the prayer of the learned author of 
ct the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea,” that the 
commerce of this rich and valuable Hand, now in 
the complete polleflion of the Englifh, may be con¬ 
duced on more liberal principles, and the natives 
treated more generoufly by them than they have 
been by their predeceffors*. The reftoration of 
the port of Cochin to its former poffefors is more 
than compenfated by the acquifition of all the ma¬ 
ritime frontier of the My fore. The poffeffion of 
the ports of Mangalore:, and Onore will open a 
new vent for our manufa&ures (more particularly 
our woollens) in that populous empire. Colonel 

* Dr. Vincent’s Periplus, App. p. 22. 

Beatfon, 


[ 1 * 2 , ] 

Beatfon, in his account of the war with Tippoo, 
fays, that “ formerly all traffic between the fub- 
“ jedls and dependants of the Company, and thofe 
6C of the late Sultan, was nearly prohibited by the 

“ reftraints to which his hatred to the Britifh 

* 

“ nation, or his ignorance and prejudice, had fub- 
cf jeCted the communication with his pofleffions. 
“ Thofe reftraints being removed, and every pro- 
“ per encouragement to commercial intercourfe 
<c being fubftituted, it may reafonably be expelled 
iC that the neighbouring and now united countries 
“ of the Carnatic and Myfore will mutually con- 
<c fume a confiderable portion of their refpe&ive 
6C produces and manufactures, and that even a pro- 
“ portion of Britifh commodities will foon find a 
“ market in Myfore. Our information with re- 
“ gard to the articles produced, manufactured, or 
“ confumed, in the countries acquired by the 
“ Company, and by the Rajah of Myfore, is at 
66 prefent too imperfeCt to form any accurate cal- 
u culation of the poffible increafe of the imports 
“ from the coafl of Malabar to Europe; but it ap- 
“ pears probable, that the Company’s inveftment 
“ in the article of pepper, may foon be augmented 
“ to any extent which may be deemed advifeable*.” 
Our undifputed fovereignty in Bengal and the Car¬ 
natic promifes us fimilar advantages on the coaft of 

* View of the Origin and Conduct of the War with Tippoo, p. 257. 

Coromandel > 



[ I2 3 1 


Coromandel; the redutffion of freight, in confe- 
quence of the peace, will be highly beneficial to 
the Company; and the fpirit of inveftigation, which 
will probably lead to a full inquiry into the befl 
means of promoting the interefts of the nation re- 
fpe&ing India, confidently with the chartered 
rights of the Company, will, we may hope, ulti¬ 
mately afford fuch encouragement to private tra¬ 
ders in Afia and Britain, that the competition of 
foreign adventurers may be effectually checked, 
and London rendered the emporium of Indian 
commerce. 





LETTER 



[ 12+ J 


L K T T E R VI. 

ON THE TRADE WITH EUROPE. 

Our European commerce may be divided into 
two parts; that carried on with thofe countries which 
during the lafc war were neutral, and that carried 
on with thofe which were belligerent powers. I 
fhall confiJer each feparately : and endeavour to 
fhew that the balance of increafe in thofe branches 
of trade, in which increafe may be expedted, will, 
probably, exceed the balance of lofs in thofe in 
which a defalcation may be apprehended. 

I. On the Trade with the Neu 'ral Powers . 

Rufiia occupies a chief place among the European 
neutral powers. Our trade with her, during the 
laft ten years, has very confiderably increafed. The 
increafe may be partly attributed to the war; but 
is alfo in fome deeree owing to caufes which arc 
likely to be permanent. If our imports from the 
countries on the Baltic have rifen in confequence 
of our late extraordinary confumption of naval 
ftores, they have alfo rifen in confequence of an in¬ 
creafed demand among our manufadlurers for raw 
materials; and our export of Britifh manufadhires 
to the North of Europe has rifen in confequence of 
the improved (late of this part of the civilized world. 
Ruflia is advancing in population and civilization. 
From Afiatic Tatars, the Ruffians are (if 1 may 
be allowed the expreflion) becoming Europeans: 

and 


C 1*5 3 

and their connexions with Britain have, probably, 
not a little contributed towards their improvement. 
Our factory at St. Peterfburgh, I am perfuaded, has, 
in many points of view, proved a good national in- 
(fitute : <c artes intulit agrefti Latio .” 

Our commerce with Rufha has been regularly 
progreflive, fince the commencement of his prefent 
Majefty’s reign. Our exports, which on an ave¬ 
rage of five years, ending with 1765, amounted to 
^.66,402, rofe to ^.196,229 in 1773, the laft year 
noticed in Sir Charles Whitworth’s tables of im¬ 
ports and exports; in the year 1792 they were va- 

♦ _ 

lued at f. 800,762 ; and in 1800 at/.i,o25,335, of 
which-£.557,374 were Britifh manufactures. 

The trade with Denmark and Sweden increafed 
during the war and principally in confequence of 
the war. That part of it, however, which refpeCts 
the export of Britifh manufactures has not increaf¬ 
ed : the export of them to Denmark on the average 
of 1790, 1791, and 1 792, was valued at 179,333, 
and the exports to Sweden at £, 41,058 j and ort 
the average of the years 1798, 1799, and 1800, 
the export of them to Denmark was valued at 
£.19 1,288, and the exports to Sweden at£. 26,896^ 
It will be feen from the following documents that 
the export of Eritifh manufactures to thefe two 
countries does not equal half the export of Britifh 

manufactures to Ruffia. 

• / 

* See Table of Exports to Denmark and Sweden in page 12S. I 
need hardly remark that the values ftated in this page are the official 
-values of the Cuftom Houfe Ledger- 


Account 


C 126 j 

Account of the Tonnage of Britifh and Foreign Vef- 
fels which cleared Outwards from the leveral Ports of 
England and Scotland, to Ruflia,Denmark, and Sweden, 
in 1789, and the Eleven following Years. 


RUSSIA.* 

England. Scotland. 


Years. 

r -^ 

Britifh 

Foreign 

r 

Britifh 

*-% 

Foreign 

Total 

Tonnage. 

Tonnage. 

Tonnage. 

Tonnage. 

Tonnage. 

2^89 

47,096 

8 55 

7> T 34 

— 

55.085 

1 / 9 ° 

55.91 3 

2 >343 

4.995 

— 

63,249 

1791 

60,668 

1 i 5°5 

380 

5 . 45 ° 

— 

67,623 

1792 

62,877 

7,226 

— 

7 0 .483 

1 7 93 

35 ’ 101 

1,038 

5 > 49 8 

— 

41.637 

3 79 4 

73 > 2 7 8 

U+ 3 2 

10,592 

20c0f 

87,302 

1 795 

104,407 

3.502 

10,041 

— 

117,950 

1796 

96,780 

9 > 395 

11,874 

— 

11 8,049 

1 797 

58,217 

1,287 

9,128 

— 

68,632 

1798 

102,740 

'.536 

l6,272 

470 

12 I,Ol8 

3 799 

71,860 

29,698 

12,194 

I91 

JI 3 > 943 

1800 

I 3 2 >°37 

34,848 

11,871 

— 

168,756 


♦This entry in the Cuflom-houfe navigation.account does not 
comprehend Livonia. I have, therefore, here fubjoined a llatemenc 
of the tonnage of vefTels cleared outwards to that country in 1789, and 
the eleven following years. 

LIVONIA. 

r -""" — 



England. Scotland. 

Years. 

Brit. Ton. 

For. Ton. Brit. Ton. 

J789 

3> 83 3 

— ic6 

1790 

4)4 ! p 

anaa 

1791 

included in 

Ruffia. 

1792 

4.721 

— 

1793 

3> o6 7 

3 ° 

>794 

7> r 7 1 

— 

*795 

3 4)957 

490 

1796 

9 ) 95 i 

— 

>797 

6,734 

—. 

1798 

10,491 

— 

1 799 

9 > 9*9 

5 2 

1800 

21,311 

1,048 

f This is hated 

as the tonnage of one fhip; I prefume erroi 


DENMARK. 







L «7 J 


DENMARK. 


England. 


Britilh Foreign 
Years. Tonnage. Tonnage. 

'789 45)453 25,617 

1790 47,222 34>26l 

>79i 48,392 3 15 >97° 
*792 42,262 35,874 

J 793 3'»? 73 3°)942 

l 794 46,478 45>4°i 

2795 39)598 81,507 

1796 46,816 91,549 

1797 46,627 78,080 

*798 53,433 77)773 
2799 51 >5<51 317,602 

1800 45,850 145,995 


Scotland- 

-- A -> 


Britifh 

Foreign 

Total 

Tonnage. 

Tonnage. 

Tonnage. 

I 3>459 

I,o8l 

85,610 

9> 1 7 7 

^526 

92,186 

10,628 

M30 

100,520 

9,921 

1,710 

89,767 

6 >5 j 7 

1,186 

69,828 

7,196 

2,781 

101,85b 

7,207 

7>53 2 

135,844 

12,847 

12,378 

163,590 

8.775 

5,672 

I 39> 1 54 

10,843 

12,202 

1 54> 2 5 I 

C,l69 16,478 

190,810 

9> 2 75 

14,218 

2*5,338 


SWEDEN. 


1789 11,826 480 

3 79O IO,8o8 351 

1791 5,836 4,753 

1792 7>oi 5 6,703 

1793 6 >873 7)429 

1794 >5)473 9.803 

1795 10,878 15,157 

1796 16,020 17,216 

1797 9,871 8,243 

1798 12,884 18,347 

1799 7>7 8 ° 24,678 

1800 5,774 27,980 


4,880 

— 

17,186 

6,889 

— 

18,048 

8,787 

— 

19,376 

7,973 

682 

22,373 

6,180 
9,835 

— 

20,482 

447 

35,558 

7,382 

238 

33,654 

2i,3°4 

180 

44,720 

5,9'2 

■— 

24,026 

4,634 

-— 

35,865 

4,801 

I >°35 

38,294 

2,3'4 


37,143 


A 




[ 123 ] 


An Account of the official Value of Imports into Great 
Britain from Ruffia, Denmark, and Sweden, and of 
Exports from Great Britain to each of thofe Countries, 
in 1790, and the Ten following Years, diftinguifhing 
Britifn Manufactures from Foreign Merchandize. 

RUSSIA. 

Value of Exports 


Years. 

1790 

1791 

179 2 

*793 

*794 

*795 

1796 

*797 

1798 

17 99 
ib'co 


1790 

1791 

1792 

*793 

J 794 

1 795 

1796 

1 797 

1798 

3 799 
i8oo 


1790 

1 79 1 

179 2 

U 93 

U 94 

179b 

*797 

1793 
*799 

I800 


Val. of Impts. 

r- . 

Brit. Mae. 

-% 

For. Mer. 

jC* 



*,7*0,374 

265,920 

188,369 

*,548)677 

281,243 

292,113 

1,708,671 

428,774 

37 *, 9 8 7 

1,804,025 

197,683 

123,M4 

1,789,448 

240,520 

255,386 

*.857.978 

393 , 5 °° 

468,766 

2,5J0,083 

39 3,93 2 

272,965 

1,707,504 

256,483 

217,722 

2 , 4 l 6 , 8 2 9 

380,068 

3*1,7* * 

2,662,255 

428,610 

34 I >°99 

2,382,098 

557,374 

467,960 

D E N M A R K. 

149,860 

I40,4l8 

121,726 

182,040 

186,649 

219,803 

134,818 

1 77*779 

* 34 > 9 U 

205,822 

141,59° 

149,674 

209,885 

195,232 

293,982 

1 54 s 3 ? 5 

175,022 

3 * 3 , 44 * 

2 ^3,Q2S 

189,672 

320,110 

134,(02 

176,208 

225,648 

445,274 

193,122 

356,428 

194,036 

194,041 

I 5 o, 7°3 

24r,562 

186,703 

353,994 


SWEDEN. 

3 °Pj 5 1 ? 

29,504 

34,858 

267,770 

30, 2 59 

38,483 

338,690 

57 > 4 X 3 * 

60,927 

3 ° 7.395 

28,437 

47,987 

287,784 

43,637 

61,636 

294,612 

47 > 3°4 

80,073 

69,840 

347 , 33*5 

5 I > 6 7 2 

1 9 2 >°33 

74,934 

78,961 

266,003 

24,807 

27,910 

347,882 

26.120 

24,460 

309,280 

29,761 

49,°79 


Tot- Expts. 
£• 

454,289 

SIMS 6 

800,7621 

320,827 

495 > 9°7 

862,267 

766,897 

474,206 

691,780 

769,710 

*>025,335 


262,144 

354,621 

312,720 

291,265 

489,184 

498,464 

509,783 

670,922 

549 , 55 ° 

344,744 

540,698 

1 

64,363 

74,743 

118,340 

76,424 

>05,273 

I2 7 , 3:7 

3 21,512 

* 53> 8 95 

52,718 

50,580 

78,840 




I 


t ] 

The fame obfervation which I made refpe&ing 
Ruflia, applies to the northern Hates of Germany : 
Pruflia* Saxony, Hanover, and (I believe I might 
add) the hereditary dominions of Auftria, though 
impoverilhed by the war, are improving markets. 
Various attempts have been made on the Continent, 
particularly in Saxony, to rival us in the cotton and 
woollen manufactures, by the introduction of ma¬ 
chinery 3 but thefe attempts have not leflened our 
exports. It is, however, not eafy to determine what 
proportion of Britifh manufactures exported to Ger¬ 
many during the war was deflined for the confump- 
tion of Holland, Flanders, or France : but it is 
Highly probable that a confiderable part of the com¬ 
merce lately carried on with the northern ltates of 

\. 

Germany will be diverted to other channels in con- 
fequence of the peace. Jn 1800, the exports to 
Germany were £. 1 2,664,591. It is not to the in¬ 
ternal demand of thofe countries, and the improving 
condition of their people, that we can attribute more 
than a part of the increafed trade which has taken 
place with them in the courfe of the war. Whatever 
advantages Denmark may have derived from the 
neutrality which fhe obferved till 1801, Hie will be 
much deceived if fhe flatters iierfelf that in any year 
of peace, 215,338 tons, the amount of the tonnage 
of (hipping from Great Britain lafl year, will enter 
her ports. She has acled only as an agent and car¬ 
rier between the Britifh merchant and other coun- 

K 

% 


tries. 


[ Uo 3 


tries. Pruflia, too, mult conftder the late extenfion 
of her trade as only temporary. Though fhe re¬ 
ceived 1849 vefiels (containing 235,481 tons, ora 
ninth of the foreign trade of this country*) from our 
ports laft year, fhe, probably, in profound peace, 
will not furnifh employment to a fourth part of this 
number. In our trade with Hamburgh the tonnage 
has increafed from 6,030 tons, in 1789, to 62,441 
tons : the peculiar circumftances of the times may 
prevent its finking to the level of the laft peace; but 
our trade with moft of the neutral powers except 
America, will decreafe ; and its diminution muft 
be allowed again ft any increafe which may be cal¬ 
culated to arife from the commercial intercourfe be¬ 
ing re-opened between Great Britain and the other 
belligerent Powers. 


* Viz. 


Cleared outwards from Great Britain in 1S00, 


Number of Vt-fiels 
To Pruffia - 1976 . 

Dantzic - z? - - 




' 130,3:3- 


An 




1 [ ] 

/ I ' T j '-. t * i.. ^ 

An Account of the Tonnage of Britifh and Foreign Vef- 
fels which cleared Outwards from the feveral Ports in 
England and Scotland to Germany, Poland, Pruflia, 
Bremen, Dantzic, and Hamburgh, in 1789, and the 
• Eleven following Years. 


. 

r C i d r 


GERMANY. 


c r T 


England. 

Scotland. 

GV V 

j, n r l 




i, 




f 

> 





-Britilh. 

Foreign. 

Britilh. 

Foreign. 

Total. 

Years. 

Tons. 

Tons, 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tonnage. 

17S9 

39>°99 

7,0 00 

7,459 

186 

53,744 

1790 

3°>5 7 * 

12,124 

9,353 

— 

52^048 

T 79 1 

4 * 5)973 

17,665 

9>°95 

— 

73,733 

1792 

50,506 

11,252 

8,640 

— 

7 0 ,398 

1 793 

39>°95 

14,135 

5,091 

453 

5 8 ,774 

U 94 

45 , 6-29 

8,629 

6,342 

3 IQ 

60,9!0 

*795 

25,83° 

24^634 

2 , 43 1 

O52 

53,547 

1795 

35,043 

1 8,939 

5,019 

1,306 

to 307 

1797 

26,381 

12,989 

5,092 

635 

45,097 

1798 

47.793 

8,204 

7,803 

259 

64,059 

1799 

28,609 

13,988 

5,843 

108 

48,548 

iSOO 

3 2 )597 

37,735 

12,193 

7°7 

83 , 2 3 2 

< 

C 1 t , | 


POLAND.* 



1789 

773 

32° 

484 


G 577 

U 9 ° 

577 

320 

2 CO 

118 

1,215 

17 9 * 

1,577 

480 

745 

— 

2,802 

1792 

2,224 

1,615 

260 

— 

4,099 

1 793 

2,034 

918 

683 

— 

3,63s 

1 794 

2,934 

620 

373 

1 35 

4,062 

U 95 

3.493 

265 

455 

•— 

4,213 

1796 

5,°5 9 

80 

2,643 

— 

7,782 

3797 

1,424 

270 

102 

—— 

1,796 

1798 

3 ) 6 4 6 

1 70 

970 

— 

4,786 

3799 

3,478 

409 

2,01.8 

— 

3 , 9 ° 5 

1800 

5,522 

1,644 

3> 2 35 

—- 

10,401 


v, s 

* See note in next page. 


K 2 


PR US SLY 






[ >3* 3 


PRUSSIA. 

England. Scotland. 







Britilh. 

Foreign. 

Britilh. 

Foreign. 

Total. 

Veils. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tonnage. 

1789 

22,721 

8,188 

4 , 3 ° 8 

I 5 ° 

35.367 

I 79 ° 

2 7 > 9 2 4 

14.97s 

7,026 

100 

5 °> 02 5 

1791 

30,462 

2 5>934 

5,906 

246 

62,548 

1792 

24,509 

16,469 

3-958 

— 

44.936 

*793 

29470 

13,718 

4 » 45 2 

— 

47,640 

*794 

42,872 

11,998 

3 > 7 °° 

1 3 5 

5 8 > 7°5 

3 795 

39>575 

42,349 

3>°34 

372 

85 , 33 ° 

1796 

5 3 >3 35 

82,197 

4.154 

3 .i ‘8 

140,804 

*797 

23,°3 8 

83,068 

3,783 

3 . 7*9 

I I 3,608 

1798 

43> 2 38 

98,145 

4 j 54 ^ 

2 , 4^7 

I48,4l6 

1799 

43 > 7 02 

68,467 

4,90 1 

i >68 5 

1 18 .755 

1800 

41,838 

166,242 ] 

*°>755 

5,024 

223,859 



BREMEN. 



1789 

2.323 

2,557 

— 

— 

4,880 

1790 

1,912 

2,572 

—• 

— 

4,484 

1791 

included 

in Germany 




1792 

1,929 

3,°5 5 

— 

— 

4,984 

*793 

2,782 

2,760 

— 

— 

5.542 

1794 

4,512 

7,401 

— 

— 

JW 3 

1 795 

3> o0 5 

1 °> 33 ° 

—. 

— 

1 3.335 

1796 

2,797 

14,294 

— 

— 

17,091 

*797 

3 , 2 J° 

7,021 

— 

—. 

10,231 

1798 

3 3 > 9 : 5 

2,807 

— 

— 

16,722 

1799 

5.742 

2,652 

— 

— 

8,394 

1800 

6,717 

12,221 

■— 

— 

19,938 

1 The annexed account of the tonnage cleared outwards 

to Cour- 

land is not 

included under Poian.l ir 

1 the Cuftom-houfe Navigation 

Account. 








COURLAND. 





r 

England. ! 

Scotland. 



• 

Britilh. 

Foreign. 

Britilh. 



Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 



[789 

( 2 $ 

— 

— 



179° 

827 

— 

* 



1 79 1 

— 

— 

—- 



1792 

1,809 

2 l 6 

— 



1 79 3 

1 ?33 7 

430 

— 



*794 

2,017 

— 

— 



1 795 

225 

4 * 

oc 

tv> 

— 



1796 

E 579 

— 

■— 



1797 

694 

ICO 

— 


1 

1798 

629 

•— 

— 



1799 

412 

— 

106 


\ 

1800 

1,064 

So 

7 r, 7 

■V 











C >33 ] 


DANTZIC. 

-S , '' r\ i\ 



England. 

Scotland. 

/ 



Britifh. 

S 

Foreign. 

Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Total. 

Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tonnage. 

1789 

1,029 


669 

350 

2,048 

1790 

2 , 47 ^ 

4484 

included 

in Poland 

1791 

included in Poland 

D° 



1792 

M3 4 

3 > 9°9 

7 8 

— 

5.621 

1793 

>» 3 6 7 

1,720 

— 

— 

3,087 

1794 

1,224 

3. *25 

J 47 

— 

4,496 

J 795 

7,081 

8,244 

232 

— 

* 5*557 

1796 

M 77 

7>°44 

included 

in Poland 

1 797 

! >745 

7 >S 39 

— 

— 

9,284 

179s 

5 > 2 3<5 

3>°24 

281 

— 

8,541 

*799 

8 ,>55 

5,6° 5 

95 

— 

13.855 

1800 

2,656 

8.637 

329 


11,622 



HAMBURGH. 



1789 

5434 

6 05 

— 

— 

6,039 

1790 

included 

in Germany 


1791 

D° 





1792 

D° 





>793 

D° 

17,918 



36,151 

1794 

>8,233 

— 

— 

>795 

12,195 

41,308 

— 

— 

53403 

1796 

8,926 

39.095 

— ■ 

— 

48,021 

1797 

I 4 , 5 2 7 

37.667 

539 

— 

52,733 

1798 

51,656 

22,287 

183 

— 

74,126 

1799 

3 >» 3 6 3 

>3.364 

•— 

— 

44)727 

i8o:> 

35> 6 99 

26,542 

200 

— 

62,441 


K3 A 


S 



[ ^34 ] 

An Account of the official Value of Imports from Ger¬ 
many and Poland, and of Exports to thofe Countries* 
in 1790, and the Ten following Years, diftinguifhing 
Britifii Manufactures from Foreign Merchandize. 

GERMANY. 


■**» * 

Value of Exports. 



Value 


■-\ 



of 

Britifh Ma- 

Foreign Mer- 

‘'total 

T ^ I 

Imports. 

nufadlures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 

Years. 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

1790 

603,208 

791,601 

902,920 

1,694,522 

1 79 r 

7^,628 

778,213 

1,111,532 

1,889,745 

1.792 

650,437 

8l 1,140 

i ? 3 2 7597 ° 

2 ,i 39 >m 

1793 

794> c 95 

718,474 

1,764,221 

2,482,695 

2794 

796,138 

1,634,53° 

4,308,695 

5,943,225 

1 795 

1,020,632 

i , 7 6 °, i 33 

6,311,876 

8,072,009 

1796 

2,082,275 

i? 59 i , 74 ° 

6,582,179 

8,i 73 > 9 2 o 

3797 

1,576,426 

1,964,967, 

6,419,587 

8,384,554 

1798 

2,091,832 

2,042,774 

8,646,691 

10,680,46 6 

1799 

2,82.0,134 

2,032,567 

6,640,729 

8,673,297 

ib co 

2,352,197 

4,364,120 

8,300,470 

12,664,591 




POLAND. 




£■ 

£- 

£■ 

£• 

1790 

114,148 

395217 

12,269 

51,486 

179 1 

I 75>°43 

39*833 

22,812 

62,645 

1792 

122,321 

32,900 

34 W 74 

67,075 

2793 

275^497 

20,533 

47 , 9 * 1 

68,444 

1794 

202,222 

11,612 

64,083 

7 5 » 6 9 & 

1795 

* 3755°7 

15,212 

74,217 

89,429 

1796 

340,724 

16,124 

43,775 

59,899 

1797 

168,662 

1**394 ' 

19,066 

30,460 

1798 

202,562 

22,331 

45,908 

68,240 

1799 

270,687 

32,247 

18,816 

51,063 

1800 

3935 ° 4 i 

17,802 

30,099 

47 , 9°2 





[ 1 35 ] 


II. On the Trade with the Belligerent Powers . 

Commerical enterprize, following the footdeps 
of conqued, has enabled Great Britain by the ac- 
quifition of permanent or temporary market?, in 
diftant parts of the world, to indemnify herfelf for 
the deprivations which her trade with the Continent 
of Europe has experienced in confequence of the 
war. Thefe deprivations, however, will, in a great 
meafure, ceafe with the termination of the conteft; 
and the renewal of a friendly intercourle with France 
and her allies will place us, if not on the footing of 
the moil favoured nation, at lead in a fi uation to 
carry on a dire6t trade, under certain regulations, 
with our neighbours. Very confiderable advantages 
mud refult, both to our merchants and manufac¬ 
turers, from this change; for, whatever relaxation 
may have taken place during the lad year, before 
that time the life of Britifh manufa&ures was pro¬ 
hibited both in France and Holland under the fe¬ 
vered penalties *; and all communication inter* 
di&ed with our merchants. Britifh merchandize, 
though purchafed of neutrals, was fubje6led to con- 
fifeation. Yet, though thefe checks, together with 

* The effeCl of this prohibition may be eftimated from the Iow- 
nefs of the expert of Britith Manufactures and Foreign Merchan¬ 
dize to France and Flanders in 1793 and 1799. (See p. 143.) S nee 
the eftablilhment of the Confular government the exports to France 
and Flanders have in one year rifen from ,£.23,139 to £.2,134,246. 

k 4 - the 


[ U 6 3 

the increafed price of freight, and expence of a cir¬ 
cuitous tranht through neutral ports, have much 
reduced the confumption ot Britifh commodities 
in France, they have not altogether prevented it. 

It cannot reafonably be fuppo ed, that France 
and her allies,during the latter years of the war, re¬ 
ceived from us, through the intervention of neutral 
traders, the fame quantity of goods that they would 
import from Great Britain in a period of profound 
peace. Some articles, which would readily be re¬ 
ceived by a diredf channel, are too bulky to pay 
a war freight and circuitous navigation. It will be 
feen from the following extract from a Report of 
the Committee of the Houfe of Commons, that the 
export of coal from the Eaft coaft of England to 
foreign countries has funk one half in confequence 
of the war. 

An Account of the Quantity of Coals exported 
from Newcaflle and Sunderland to Foreign 
Countries in the Years 1791, 1792, 1798, and 
1799*. 

Exported. 1791* 1792. 1798. 1799. 

V, 

Chaldrons. Chaldrons, Chaldrons. Chaldrons. 

From Newcaflle 45,702 42,993 44,722 43,366 
Sunderland 54,150 53,313 .5,111 4.039 

The meafure here ufed is the Newcaflle chal- 
dr0% equal to two London chaldrons. 


* Report on the Coal Trade, 1800, App. 42. 43. 

4 From 


[ >37 ] 


From other Engliffi ports above 16,000 New- 
caftle chaldrons were annually exported before the 
war to France, Flanders, Holland, and Spain; but 
none in 1797, 1798, or 1799. 

More than half a million buffiels of fait were ex- 

N 

ported to Flanders annually, before 1793 ; none 
has been exported during the laft fix years*. If 
the wealth and energy of this country fhould enable 
Parliament to carry into execution the commutation 
of the fait duty, of which the grofs amount is above 
a millionf, (a meafure which has been recommend¬ 
ed by two Committees of the Houfe of Commons, 
as more efficacious for promoting the profperity of 
the fiffieries than any poffible fyltem of bounties 
and encouragement,) fait would probably form a 
very confiderable article of export. From an ac- 


* An Account of the manufactured Salt exported from Great 
Britain to Flanders in the Years 1790, 1791, 1792, 1798, 1799, 


and jSoo. 







Rock Salt. 

White Salt. 



Bulhels. 

Bulhels. 


179 ^ 


582,446 

i6,880 ' 

Report on Bri- 

1791 


532,894 

6,800 

- tilh Fifheries, 

1 79 2 


572,888 

25,200 ^ 

1798, App. 9. 

*798 ' 





1799 

;• 

None. 

None. 


1800 v 





t Amount of the Salt Duty, 

Grofs Receipt. 


in 1800. 


& 


In England - 

mm m 

947,129 1 for 

year ending 5th 

Scotland - 

- 

59*399 J 

Jan. 1801. 

Ireland 

- 

*» 

86,816 for year ending 25th 


March 1801. 









£• i>°93>344 


count 







/ 


[ 133 ]- 

count of woollens exported to the year 1799 in- 
clufive, it appears that the increafed export to Ger¬ 
many (the internal confumption of which country, 
I apprehend, is much greater than it was ten years 
ago) had not compenfated for the lofs of the French, 
Flcmifh, Dutch, and Spanifh markets. 

An Account of the official Value of Woollens ex¬ 
ported from Great Britain to Germany, Holland, 
Flanders, France, and Spain, in the Years 1790, 


1791, 1792 

, > 797 , i 79 8 > and ! 799 - 



1790 . 

I 79 t - 

1792. 

Germany - 

£.223,226 

jC- 2 55 > 3°3 

£•271,638 

Holland - 

306,414 

3 > 3 > 8 4 S 

3 6 7 , 5 8 3 

Flanders - 

11 7>779 

124,239 

11 7 > 1 5 1 

France 

95,827 

96,840 

1 55> x 34 

Spain 

407,464 

346 , 3 6 7 

472,221 

Total - 

M 5 0 > 7 10 

i>i 36,594 

1,383,727 


1 797 - 

1798. 

1799. 

Germany - 

£.641,098 

.•£•463,019 

£•427^53 

Holland - 

7 > 7 12 

94 

D 5 

Flanders 




France — 

631 

— 

— 

Spain — 

26 

— 

— 

Total - 

■ 649,467 

463,113 

427,228 


The following account exhibits the tonnage of 
our trade with France, Flanders, Holland, and 
Spain, both during and previoufly to the war. It 
will be feen from this (latement that the annual 
tonnage cleared outwards, on an average of the years 
of war, to France, Flanders, and Holland, has not 

amounted 








C 139' ] 

amounted to a tenth of the tonnage employed dur¬ 
ing the preceding period of peace ; and though a 
very large abatement will (as I have already remark¬ 
ed) take place in our peace exports to thofe neu¬ 
tral powers, who, during the war, have been the car¬ 
riers ofBritiflh merchandize, and colonial produce, 
to the belligerent ftates oppofed to us*, it is pro¬ 
bable, for many reafons, that our future trade with 
France, Holland, and Spain, will much exceed the 
amount of this abatement. 

* It is, however, remarkable that, notwithftanding the great in¬ 
crease in the export of Foreign merchandize from Great Britain to 
France, Flanders, Holland,'and Italy, in the year 1800, the export of 
Foreign merchandize to Germany rofe from £. 6,640,739, its amount 
• in 1799) to £. 8,300,470 in 1800. 





An 


[ HO ] 


An Account of the Tonnage of Britifli and Foreign Veflels 
clearedOutwardsfrom the feveral Ports of Great Britain* 
in the Year 1789, and each of the Eleven following 
Years, to France, Flanders, Holland, and Spain. 

FRANCE. 

England. Scotland. 



Briti fn. 

Foreign. 

Britifli. 

Foreign 

Total 


Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tonnag 

e. 

1789 

137,540 

9,S6o 

4,174 

— 

151,574* 


mo 

9L733 

9,026 

2,095 

264 

103,118 

ci 

l £ 

1791 

1 i 0,784 

13,018 

1,183 

SO 

125,065 

r O 

<U 

1792 

106,4S 1 

S,346 

1,390 

75 

116,292, 


m 3 

3,734 

8,560 

— 

— 

12,294. 


1794 

83 

2,420 

— 

— 

2,563 


179* 

627 

5,977 

—~ 

— 

6,604 


1796 

— 

8,974 

— 

-r- 

8,974 

. c3 

mi 

— 

10,107 

rr 

— 

10,107 

£ 

179s 


2,930 

-- 

— 

2,930 


1799 

— 

1,548 

—- 

— 

1,548 


1800 

534 

16,523 

— 

— 

1/,057 J 

- 



FLAN 

DERS. 

/ 



1739 

41,963 

2,139 

3,586 


47,6S8" 


1790 

36,236 

3,803 

196 

— 

40,235 


mi 

33,763 

5,706 

1,589 

— 

41,058 

<6 

1792 

61,175 

4,012 

1,003 

— 

66,190 

> cs 

1793 

31,588 

9,301 

285 


41,174 

pH 

1794 

29,092 

4,703 

100 

— 

37,S95^ 


1795 

— 

.1,669 

— 

1 

1,6691 


179$ 

— 

1 >376 

-— 

— 

1,876 


1797 

— 

2,692 

— 

-- 

2,692 

• 

rH 

1793 

—* 

15 

— 

— 

15 

> 

1799 


214 

—. 

— 

214 


18tK> 

— 

4,478 

— 

— 

4,473^ 



HOLLAND. 













[ * 4 * 3 


HOLLAND. 


Years. 

Engl ajcd. 

Britiih. Foreign. 
Tons. Tons. 

Scotland. 

Britiih. Foreign. 
Tons. Tons. 

Total. 

Tons. 

1789 

134,110 

10,828 

10,488 

* # ( j 

157,4:6 

1790 

12 1,158 

",5 5 2 

9*349 

186 

H 2 > 2 45 

1791 

; 27,558 

10 »739 

7,819 

544 

146,660 

1792 

131,611 

14,222 

8,083 

3S4 

I 34,270 

*793 

129,264. 

106,827 

17,282 

6.471 

285 

153,502 

J 794 

18,802 

6,180 


131,899 


817 

3*77^ 

— 

— 

4>^9 

J796 

22 

5 - 37 6 

— 

400 

5,79 s 

1 797 

— 

21,073 

— 

192 

2 ! ,205 

1798 

174 

10,184 

— 

— 

10 »358 

1799 

879 

1 »5 2 7 

— 

— 

2*406 

1800 

— 

21,536 

— 

1,910 

22,446. 


SPAIN, including the Canaries. 


1789 

22,076 

3> T 59 

1,792 

— 

27,027-) 

1790 

20,539 

5,706 

1,662 

— 

27,967 j 

1791 

28,811 

3,800 

3>579 

— 

36,190 

1792 

29,8+7 

3 » 4 a 4 

2,020 

— 

3^*331 ; 

1793 

'6,363 

6,433 

522 

— 

2 3>3 1 8 f 

1 794 

22,976 

7»596 

',55 s 

—. 

3 z f l 3 ° ] 

1 795 

1 3»3 1 9 

9*641 

',962 

— 

24,922 | 

1796 

5 >946 

I 5» 8 97 

1,200 

206 

2 3+3 2 9J 

1 7 97 

70 

4 > 8 V 5 

— 

— 

4,925") 

1798 

5o 

6>°73 

— 

— 

6,123 l 

1799 

274 

10,238 

— 

I6S 

10,680 j 

1800 

1,584 

15,722 

— 

— 

» 7>3o6 J 


Annual Average Tonnage of VelTcls cleared Outwards to France, 


Flanders, Holland, and Spain, before and during the War. 


* 

Average of Peace. 

Tons. 

Average of War. 

Tons. 


C four years ") 


r eight years 


France - 

< ending > 

124,032 

< ending > 

7 + 759 " 


L with 1792. J 


V. with 1800. J 



r fix years 


C fix years ") 


Flanders\< 

< ending > 

45 > 7°6 

< ending > 

‘,824 


L with 1 794. J 


L with 1S00. J 



r fix years 


r fix years *) 


Holland - 

^ ending > 

147,28; 

< ending > 

",143 


L with 1794. J 


L with 1800. J 



f eight years 

* 

C four years 



l ending > 

28,776 . 

e ending > 

9 , 75 s 


i. with 1796. J 


L with 1800. J 




L *4* 3 

It appears from the following account of im¬ 
ports and export 5 , that the value of Britifli ma¬ 
nufactures exported to France in the year before 
the war, amounted to 743,280/.; and that the 
value of thofe exported to Flanders, in each of the 
years 1790, 1791, and 1792, exceeded 300,000/, 
Whether our future trade to thefe, now confoli- 
dated, dates will be equally valuable, mud depend 
on the nature of our future intercourfe with them. 
If the probability of the renewal of commerce 
with Great Britain has created murmurs in France, 
it mud certainly be admitted that, in tone branch of 
political economy, our neighbours have not been en¬ 
lightened by the revolution. Their political econo- 
mids might inform them that it is advantageous to 
them to buy their cloth, their linens, and their hard¬ 
ware, from thofe who fell thofe commodities at the 
lowed price. If the commercial regulations of France 
will enable us to ferve her cheaper than the Dutch 
or Germans, or than her own manufacturers can do, 
fhe will confult her own intered in dealing with 
thofe whom fhe terms “ a nation of fhopkeepers.’ > 
The thinned population, reduced capital, low price 
of condfeated land, and languid date of agriculture, 
in the Republic ought to fugged to her, that the 
national profperity will, for fome years to come, be 
bed promoted by encouraging improvements di¬ 
rectly connected with cultivation. Mercantile jea- 
loufy, and national animofity, if they dill influence 
b the 


the councils of France, may point out a different 
courfe; and attempt, though they will attempt in 
vain, to injure Great Britain by forcing French in- 
duftry, by means of bounties and prohibitions, into 
a direction which it is not naturally inclined to 
take. 

,, y * f h t • f j % ' 

Account of the official Value of Imports into Great 
Britain from France, Flanders, Holland, and Spain, 
and of Exports from Great Britain to each of thofs 
Countries, in 1790, and the Ten following Years, 
diftinguiffiing Britiffi Manufactures from Foreign 
Merchandize. 

f . f c* f V 1 v * 

* r J v 1 - 

. . ’ t v ' i '■* 

FRANCE. 


Value of Exports. 



Value of 

Britifli Ma- 

Foreign Mer¬ 

T oral 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufaOlures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 

V 

£• 

£■ 

£' 

£• 

1790 

605,37: 

535.284 

337 *° 4 ° 

872,324 

1791 

54 6 >°57 

576,632 

5 54 j 744 

i.i 3 >. 37 & 

3792 

7 > 7/>34 

743,280 

4584,885 

1,228,166 

3 793 

121,027 

66,677 

162,210 

228,887 

3 794 

I67 

2 , 58 o 

3f,862 

34,543 

1795 

10 , 3(52 

— 

78,652 

78,652 

1796 

I 4 »' 6 S 5 

3 ° 

7.94 5 

7,975 

3797 

13,706 

3 2 >579 

656,7 ij 

689,295 

1798 

20,885 

26 

4.455 

4,481 

3799 

29,930 

570 

8.332 

8,903 

1800 

110,4 >5 

130,685 

>. ’ 94.734 

1 . 3 2 5 > 4 l 9 



1 


FLANDERS. 





[ *44 3 


FLANDERS. 

Value of Exports. 


—.-* > 



V.-due of 

Britifh Ma- 

Foreign Mer 

Tota? 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufa&ures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 


£• 

£■ 

/• 


1790 

145,950 

303,537 

597,>95 

900,733 

1791 

193,420 

387,399 

539,560 

926,959 

1792 

132,289 

381,287 

649,806 

1,031,093 

J 793 

120,180 

215 , 1 '3 

560,976 

776,089 

1794 

76,820 

i 87 > 5/7 

484 , 3 0 5 

671,888 

1795 

4,287 

— 

i 3 , 5 o8 

13,508 

1796 

7,067 

2,045 

63,008 

65,054 

1797 

10,514 

3,720 

122,838 

124,558 

> 79 8 

1 4,643 


16,684 

16,684 

1799 

> 2 >355 

215 

14,021 

14,136 

ibco 

34,656 

40,4 8 5 

768,410 

808,826 


HOLLAND. 


1790 

714,707 

727,646 

695,698 

1,423,34s 

, 79 I 

853,084 

692,725 

673,149 

i, 3 6 5,874 

1792 

1,535 

785,207 

73 ',242 

1,516,449 

1793 

806,306 

578,844 

>, 0 37,938 

1,616,783 

*794 

i>oi3>35i 

499,>79 

1,141,736 

1,640,916 


i,-8j 109,333 111,115 

2 , 79 2 5 ] 3>475 516,268 

76,908 1,264,007 1,340,915 

6 > 2 97 93‘>tios 938,102 
4,931 12,720 17,652 

20,414 3,188,198 3,208,613, 


SPAIN, 


1795 

1796 

1797 

1798 

1799 

l8-0 


119,586 

3 ° 9,933 

529,428 

594,1 °4 
200,432 
972,600 




1 








SPAIN, including the Canaries. 



- • 

Value ■ 

of Exports. 




r~ 



Years. 

Value of 

Britifh Ma- 

- Foreign Mer- 

Total 

Imports. 

nufa&ures 

. chandize. 

Exports. 


£- 

£■ 

£• 

£■ 

1790 

738.485 

586,498 

80,724 

667,222 

17 QI 

733.048 

582,914 

90,126 

673,041 

1792 

908,063 

720,984 

90,394 

811,379 

1 793 

490,242 

419,360 

83,487 

502,847 

*794 

759.950 

487,281 

165,238 

652,520 

>79.7 

1,007,936 

369,612 

100,99 1 

470,604 

1796 

825,632 

44 >.434 

121,395 

562,830 

*797 

517,809 

748 

6,145 

6,893 

1798 

353.897 

397 

— 

397 

>799 

429,846 

5 

— 

• S 

1800 

704,189 

■ 1 

3.382 

3,382 

/ 

It appears from 

the following account of the 


tonnage of veffels cleared outwards to the other 
belligerent flates, that a diminution has taken 
place in our trade with all of them, except Portu¬ 
gal. The increafed export, however, of Britifh 
manufactures to that country has not compen- 
fated for the lofs of the dire 61 intercourle with 
Spain during the war. The official value of Bri- 
tifh manufactures exported in the years 


179°, 1791, 1792, 1798, 1799, 

£• £• 

To Spain - was - 1,890,396 - 402 

To Portugal •— - 1,911,226 - 2,902,758 

ft 

3,S0I,622 


2,933,160 






[ i 4 6 ] 


Ah Account of the Tonnage of Veflels cleared Outwards 
from the Ports of Great Britain to Portugal, Italy, and 
Sicily *, the Streights and Turkey, in 1789, and the 
Eleven following Years. 


PORTUGAL, including Madeira. 


♦ 

England. 

' -a_.V_ 

Scot 

LAND. 

Total 

Tonnage. 

Tons. 

Years. 

t - 

Britifh. 

Tons. 

Foreign. 

Tons. 

Eritiih. 

Tons. 

N 

Foreign. 

Tons. 

1789 

26,485 

777 

1,461 

— 

28,723 

1790 

28,952 

U 935 

2,024 

70 

32,981 

1791 

34,586 

2,543 

2,584 

— 

39,713 

1792 

38,75° 

2,650 

2,267 

179 

43,846 

1 79 3 

22,750 

5>5 r 9 

499 

24O 

29,008 

1794 

3 °> 110 

4>625 

>,474 

150 

36,359 

*795 

26,042 

20,491 

1,970 

37 ° 

48,873 

1796 

29,028 

25,280 

2,619 

340 

57,26; 

42,877 

1 797 

25,262 

14,978 

2,006 

631 

# 1798 

31,846 

>5.576 

2,756 

— 

50,178 

1799 

24,871 

17,480 

2,484 

— 

44,835 

1800 

30,029 

23.46+ 

754 

— 

54,247 

1789 

ITALY and 

16,642 3 00 

SICILY. 

862 ■— 

17,694 

1790 

19,526 

2,203 

1,282 

— 


1791 

29,888 

199 

3,117 

— 

3',204 

1792 

29,467 

200 

S° 5 

— 

3°,472 

1 793 

17,406 

2,200 

729 

— 

2°,335 

*794 

19 . 5 ° 7 

457 

1,032 

— 

20,9^6 

*795 

1 3 > 4<>9 

5.95 8 

502 

— 

19,929 

1796 

6,416 

I 1,920 

— 

— 

>8,336 

i /97 

— 

10,082 

— 


10,082 

1798 

3^63 

4,627 

— 

— 

8,490 

1799 

6,475 

3,342 

946 

— 

>0,763 

l 80 O 

> 2 ,337 

6,075 

38 * 

216 

19,016 


! 

* Under 11 Italy and Sicily” I have included the following entries, 
which Hand feparate in the Cuftom-houfe Account of Trade and 
Navigation, “ Italy, Naples, Venice, Leghorn, Genoa, and Sicily.’’ 

THE 






\ 


J 


[ x 47 ] 

THE STREIGHTS and GIBRALTAR. 


England. Scotland. 


Years. 

1 — 

Britifh: 

Foreign. 

t — 

Britifh. 

Foreign. 

Total 

Tonnage. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

T ons. 

1789 

7,445 

— 

. 45 ° 

—. 

7, 8 95 

1790 

9>565 

1,078 

130 

—. 

IO ,773 

l 5 79 i 

7,840 

136 

464 

— 

8,440 

1792 

6)737 

— 

222 

— 

6,959 

j 793 

4><97 

4 C 3 

375 

—• 

4,975 

1794 

5 ,° 47 

166 

1 77 

— 

5.390 

1 795 

3)345 

— 

110 

— 

3)455 

1796 

5 > 3 °° 

456 

— 

— 

5,7 q;6 

1 797 

3 M 4 

852 

223 

— 

4)7 >9 

1798 

6,057 

228 

5 C 9 

— 

6,794 

1 799 

8,328 

1,188 

370 

—. 

9,886 

i8co 

4 , 7°5 

2,013 

184 

— 

6,902 

1789 

6,077 

TURKEY. 


6,077 

1790 

4 , , 5 ° 

37 1 

— 

*— 

4.521 

I 79 I 

9,°2T 

— 

— 

— 

9,021 

1792 

11,186 

— 

— 

— 

11,186 

1 793 

2,071 

— 

— 

— 

2,071 

1794 

2,396 

— 

— 

— 

2,396 

3 795 

1,683 

— 

— 

— 

1,683 

1796 

1,048 

380 

—— 

— 

1,420 

3 797 

— 

33 ° 

—• 

— 

33 ° 

j 793 

1,511 

524 

— 

— 

2,035 

3 799 

1,624 

2 U 97 

— 

— 

3,821 

i800 

2 , 45 6 

— 

— 

— 

2,456 


Our export of Britifh manufactures to Italy 
lias been much reduced in confequence of the war: 
and, with the exception of the two lad years, the 
annual average export of them to Turkey, during 
the war, has not amounted to half the average of 
the three preceding years of peace. 


\ 


L 2 


An 






[ * 4 * ] 

An Account of the official Value of Imports from Por¬ 
tugal, Italy, the Streights, and Turkey, and of the Ex¬ 
ports to each of thofe Countries in 1790, and the Ten 
following Years ; diftinguidling Britifh Manufa£tures 
from Foreign Merchandize. 


PORTUGAL including Madeira. 

Value of Exports. 



Value of 

Britifh Ma- 

Foreign Mer 

- Total 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufa£lures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 


£• 

£■ 

£• 

£■ 

*790 

746,907 

536,88 7 

29,417 

566,3 04 

1791 

874,225 

657,3 88 

31,076 

688,464 

1792 

977,82° 

7'4,95' 

39^71 

754,622 

1 793 

482,191 

5 21 , l6 7 

61 >935 

5 8 3.'°2 

'794 

714,388 

5'2,479 

78,215 

590,694 

*795 

848,550 

643,860 

64,876 

708,737 

1796 

6 77,773 

783,046 

9 2 ,955 

876,001 

1797 

5 2 5>3'9 

633 >4 8 4 

77 ,7'5 

7 II > I 99 

1798 

704,720 

782,290 

'42,453 

9 2 4»743 

1799 

1,06!,967 

I >°45>95° 

I 3 M 43 

84,594 

l800 

927,258 

1 j° 74 ; 5 i8 

124,506 

1,199,024 


ITALY and SICILY. 


1790 

972,847 

803,884 

8 7 , 5 i 8 

891,403 

1791 

1,020,298 

932,148 

115,014 

',047,163 

1792 

1,069,620 

77 8 >'95 

185,037 

963,233 

2793 

620,679 

434 , 7 '6 

108,925 

543,642 

2794 

7 0 7,249 

420,162 

190,398 

610,560 

x 795 

596,878 

568,278 

295,357 

863,635 

1796 

375,034 

626,968 

146,884 

773,852 

1797 

98,203 

100,725 

i 5 > 3 8 3 

Il6,I09 

1798 

' 45 , 44 ° 

184,075 

3 8 ,°93 

222, l 69 

1799 

224,607 

196,371 

191,881 

388,253 

l800 

4 ‘i ,765 

449,618 

136,940 

586,559 


THE 



t 149 ] 


•THE STREIGHTS and GIBRALTAR*. 

Value of Exports. 



Value of 

r~ 

Britiih Ma- 

Foreign Meo* Total 

Years. 

Imports. 

nufa 6 tures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 



£• 

£• 


*79° 

37, 2 35 

*38,733 

*5*34i 

204,075 

1791 

16,124 

224,673 

16,84 1 

241,5*5 

1792 

* 3**54 

179,694 

i7>429 

197,124. 

1 793 

5>756 

118,479 

17,225 

I 35*7°5 

1794 

I 1,440 

83,164 

37*125 

120,290 

1795 

18,033 

*°7*33* 

3 2 >973 

140,305 

1796 

28,593 

97,262 

39, 2 73 

136.536 

1797 

16,990 

37,760 

19,095 

56,855 

179S 

36,217 

144,722 

57,767 

202,489 

1799 

62,992 

289,885 

68,899 

358,784 

1800 

35)665 

228,620 

65,937 

294,558 



TURKEY. 


1790 

249,187 

70,526 

4 2 ,653 

II 3* I 79 

I 79 I 

173,388 

99,206 

90,085 

189,291 

1792 

290,599 

98,961 

174,824 

*73,785 

*793 

l84,68l 

23,466 

21,803 

45,270 

1794 

324,906 

55>690 

62,009 

117,700 

1795 

84,299 

51,800 

98,137 

149,938 

1796 

I50,l82 

59*4 

96,100 

J 55*5 IQ 

1797 

104,838 

22,085 

i,447 

23,532 

1793 

42,285 

42,860 

19,308 

62,168 

1799 

33> C 9 I 

112,065 

I 14,012 

226,078 

1800 

I 99>773 

111,096 

55>7°8 

166,804 

Many 

perfons 

entertain 

fanguine 

expectations 

that the brilliant achievements of the Britifh army 

in Egypt will, notwithftanding our 

evacuation 

* The ex 

ports in the four lad years 

, in this table, 

were all exports 

to Gibraltar 

: the imports from the Streights in thefe four years were 

only 






In 

j/97 £.1,220 


- 


1798 





1799 

3>957 




1800 

2,940 



l 3 


of 






[ !5° ] 

of that country, fecure to us great commercial 
advantages in that province of the Turkifh em¬ 
pire j but, as the treaty of peace lately concluded 
between Bonaparte and the Porte places the 
French republic on the footing of the mod fa¬ 
voured nation, it is not by means of exclufive pri¬ 
vileges that we can hope to fupplant our rivals in 
the markets of Turkey. We muff found our pre¬ 
eminence on the lownefs of our prices, the variety 
of our affortments, and the improved quality of 
our woollen manufadlures. The period is peculi¬ 
arly favourable for fpeculation in this branch of 
commerce. Twenty years ago, the French cloth 
trade to Turkey began to decline j the troubles 
produced by the revolution in the fouthem pro¬ 
vinces, and the war that followed thofe troubles, 
have much injured the manufactures of Languedoc. 
Marfeilles, fixty years ago, annually exported 
twelve thoufand pieces of cloth (of forty yards 
each) to Aleppo and Conftantinople * but the 
French woolltns are now in low edimation in the 
Levant. A French ex-conful in Greece admits 
that the cloths of Germany, called Leipjics y have 
fupplanted the Londrins of Languedoc ; and that 
we enjoy a confiderable fhare in the export of 
duffs, the lightnefs and texture of which his 
countrymen are utterly unable to imitate f. Our 

* Hanway’s Travels to Perfia, vol. i. p. 39. 

t Beaujour, Commerce de la Grcce, tome ii. p. 9. 


other 


[ *51 ] 

\ 

other principal exports to Turkey are gunpowder, 
hardware, toys, jewellery, and watches. Of our 
trade in the laft of thefe articles, the writer, whom 
I have juft mentioned, gives a very flattering ac¬ 
count. He fays that of Englifh watches, there 
are fold annually, at Salonichi, thirty dozen] as 
many in the Morea ; three hundred dozen at Con- 
ftantinople; four hundred dozen in Syria; and 
two hundred and fifty dozen in Egypt. He fays 
each watch is worth from eighty to one hundred 
and twenty piafters * ; and computes the aggre¬ 
gate of this branch of commerce at 266,420!. 
fterling. “ The trade in clock-work in Europe, 
“ has doubled within the laft fifty years. It is 
“ probable that it will increafe with the progrefs 
u of fociety ; for, wherever civilization exifts, time 
“ is a precious article, and its value renders the 
“ inftrument neceffary that portions it out j\” 

The advantageous fituation of Marfeilles, which 
lies almoft in the dire 61 route from the Weft Indies 
to the Levant, will enable the French, on the com¬ 
plete re-eftablifhment of peace, to recover the 
export trade of coffee and cotton to Turkey. The 
export of naval ftores, from the north of Europe to 
the Levant, was formerly in the hands of the 
Dutch : the Ruffians, in confequence of the privi¬ 
leges which they have acquired on the Black Sea, 

* From 16/. to 20/. 

t Commerce de la Grcce, tome ii. p. iS. 

L 4 


now 


[ 152 ] 

now poffefs this branch of commerce almoft exclu¬ 
sively. 

I cannot conceive that the poffeffion of Malta 
(whatever may be its value as a military ftation) 
would have afforded us any new means of ex¬ 
tending our trade with Turkey. The heavy 
charge of a garrifon at La Valette might, in fome 
degree, have been ccmpenfated by a clandeftine 
trade with Italy and Sicily, (if fuch a trade could 
have been deemed a national objed,) but the ac¬ 
quisition of this ifland would not have enabled our 
manufaflurers to drive their competitors, the French, 
Italians, and Germans, from the markets of the 
Levant. It may, however, be fairly prefumed that 
the government of Malta, renovated by the ioth 
article of the Definitive Treaty, and protested and 
guaranteed by the fix principal powers of Europe, 
will afford greater encouragement to mercantile 
adventure than it could poflibly do in its former 
feeble (late; that the admiffion of Maltefe into all 
employments, both civil and military, will promote 
the induftry, and increafe the confumption, of the 
ifland ; and that the efiablifhment of a Lazaretto, 
open to all nations, and the advantages of a neutral 
port, will enable Britifh merchants to extend their 
commercial intercourfe with the Italian States and 
the Levant. It may alfo be hoped that a commer¬ 
cial treaty with the Porte will afford our merchants 
an opportunity of improving the intercourfe which 

6 Britifh 


i 


Britifh valour has eftablifhed with Egypt. Our 
trade with that country was very inconfiderable 
before the war. 


Tonnage and Number of Veflels entered Inwards from 
Egypt, and cleared Outwards, from Great Britain to 
Egypt, in the Years 1790, 1791, and 1792. 



Entered Inwards. 

Cleared Outwards. 

Years. 

Ships. 

Tons. 

Ships. 

Tons. 

I79O - 

- I 

194 

— 

I 

1791 - 

_ 'l 

:> 

57 6 

2 ' 

543 

i79 2 - 

- 2 

584 

3 

287 


It may like wife be expe&ed that our trade in 
the Mediterranean will receive fome increafe in 
confequence of the eilablifhment of the republic 
of the Seven IHands. We have long dealt with 
them for an article, which, however unimportant 
it may appear, yields a confiderable turn in revenue. 
The duty on currants, which, I believe, are chiefly 
imported from Zante, laft year produced above 
9o,opoh 




LETTER 


[ *5+ ] 


LETTER VII. 

ON THE COASTING TRADE; AND THE TRADE OF IRELAND. 

The limits to which I propofe to confine my in¬ 
quiries do not permit me to enter into a minute in- 
veftigation of the progrefs of our coafling trade; 
an inveftigation which would furnifh the mod fa- 
tisfa&ory evidence of the profperity of this branch 
of our commerce. The increafe in the number of 
veffels belonging to the different ports of the Bridfh 
empire, which has already been noticed*, and 
which is much greater than the increafe of our fo¬ 
reign trade required, is chiefly afcribable to the 
extpnfion of the intercourfe between the different 
ports of the Bridfh iflands. It appears from a 
comparative view of the tonnage in the foreign 
trade, and in the coafling trade entered inwards at 
the port of London, that whilft the former, between 
1792 and 1799, increafed from 603,431 tons to 
^73?473 tons,The latter, during the fame period, 
increafed from 982,700 to 1,411,878 tons. The 
exports from the outports have alfo increafed in a 
greater proportion than the exports from the port 
of London. 


* 


9 


* See page 56. 


An 


. [ '55 ] 

oiint of the Number of Ships, with their Tonnage, 
that entered Inwards in the Port of London, from the 
Foreign Trade, and the Coafting Trade, in the Years 
3 joo, 1750, I 79 °> an d the Nine following Years*. 

Foreign Trade. Coafting Trade. 


Years. 

Ships. 

Tons. 

Ships. 

Tons. 

1700 

L 33 S 

W ><>35 

5,562 

O 

0 

•V 

00 

e* 

17 5 ° 

1,682 

23 4*369 

6,396 

5 f 1,680 

1790 s 

3 A '5 

5 8i >°9 5 

9,278 

927,800 

I79I 

3,420 

568,427 

9 ’ 39 8 

939,800 

1792 

3 >67 5 

603,431 

9,827 

982,700 

1793 

3 > 54 * 

655,124 

9,641 

964,100 

1794 

3> 66 3 

620,845 

30,286 

1,028,600 

1795 

2,832 

57 8 > 4 s 3 

11,964 

3, 196,400 • 

m 6 , 

4^76 

723,985 

10,629 

I > 3 2 3 > 53 2 

1797 

3,269 

557,248 

30,781 

1,360,823 

1798 

3 > 4 2 ° 

627,087 

10,133 

1,250,449 

>799 

3 > 4*4 

673)473 

11,363 

1,411,878 


The amount of foreign tonnage entered inwards 
at the port of London (included in the foreign 
trade) amounted in the year 1700 to 76,995 tons; 
in 1750 to 36,346 tons ; in 1790 to 149,205 tons; 
in 1793 to l 77,019 tons; and in 1798 to 232,005 
tons. The trade at the outports has much in- 
creafed fince the year 1790 in the official value of 
their exports, but not in the amount of their ton¬ 
nage. 

* Second Report on the Port of London, 1799, Appendix, D. z. D. 9. 
Third Report on ditto, iSco, Appendix, A. 5. A. 7. 


Au 






[ * 5 6 3 

An Account of the Tonnage cleared Outwards, and of 
the Exports, from all the Outports ; and of the Exports 
from the Port of London, in the following Years*, 


Tonnage from 
the Outports. 
Years. Tons. 


Years. 


1751 

179° 

J791 

1793 

1 797 
*798 

1799 


$ 22,$02 
1,031,231 
1,108,923 
1 , 168,713 
930,300 

999> 1 33 
1,014,615 


1758 
1760 
1770 
1; 80 
1790 

1793 

1798 


Value of Exports Value of Exports 
from ail the Out- from the Port of 

London. 

'£• 

8,415,218 
10,726,709 
9,267,709 
6,837,960 
10,716,548 
12,660,463 
18,002,204 


ports. 

c 

4,283,862 
3,968,245 
5,000,945 
5,714,094 
8,168,167 
6,704,965 
T 3’9 20 »3 ^ 

It appears from thefe accounts that the export 
trade of London was in a flourilhing (late in 1760; 
that in 1780 it had decreafed two-fifths; and that 
in 1798 it amounted to thrice the value of the ex- 
ports in 1780. The exports of the out-ports ap¬ 
pear to have been doubled in eighteen years. The 
following accounts of the tonnage of veffels cleared 
out to Ireland, and the iflands of Alderney, Guern- 
fey, Jerfey, and Man, in 1789 and the eleven fol¬ 
lowing years, and of the imports and exports to 
thofe parts of the empire in 1790 and the ten fol¬ 
lowing years, comprize the principal countries in 
the Cuftom-houfe accounts which have not been 
noticed in the preceding pages. The diflurbances 
in Ireland have no doubt prevented the increafe 
of Irifli commerce from being as rapid as it would 
otherwife have been 5 and various circumftances 
connected with the war have probably extended the 
trade of the BritiOr iflands on the French coafi: much 
beyond the limits to which it will be confined in 
times of peace. 

* Second Report on the Port of London; Appendix, p. 12, jj, 14* 
Third Report, Appendix, A. 8. 


t *57 ] 

\ 

Account of the Tonnage of Britifh and Foreign Veflels entered 
Inwards, and cleared Outwards, in the Ports of Great Britain 
and Wales, from or to Ireland, in 1789, and the Eleven follow¬ 
ing Years. 

Veflels entered Inwards from Ireland. 

.England and Wales. Scotland. 


Years. 

Britifh 

Tons. 

Foreign 

Tons. 

Britifh 

Tons. 

Foreign 

Tons. 

1789 

176,560 

1,704 

93 * 3 2 9 


1790 

180,192 

2,326 

103,307 


1791 

182,179 

2,149 

108,219 


1792 

* 99 » 7 6 4 

2,026 

94*934 

— 

*793 

1 79*374 

5 * 41-7 

74,980 

I IO 

*794 

4-0,943 

7,021 

62,237 

70 , 3^9 

154 

1 795 

437 »- 4 r 

10,154 

1796 

453 > 77 2 

6,828 

102,792 

228 

1797 

39 6 *745 

5> 2 ,6 

86,762 

*45 

1798 

394,126 

3 « 1 ?7 

67,509 


1799 

432,540 

5,660 

63,293 

.—» 

1800 

442*667 

7.746 

6 G 954 

— 


Veflels cleared Outwards to Ireland. 

England and Wales. Scotland. 


>789 

r-—-- v — 

406,734 

1 

82 

/- 

69,307 


1790 

408,839 

— 

71,108 

— 

2791 

409,391 

— 

37,005 

— 

1192 

43 6 *843 

— 

7**529 

_ 

3 793 

44^ 2 47 

— 

72,037 

—» 

*794 

44 I » I °3 

— 

61,567 

— 

*795 

448,406 

900 

5*5,941 

150 

1796 

463,356 

— 

75*^54 


*797 

423*747 

160 

7 I » 9 I 3 

—. 

1798 

413,686 

— 

77 *G 3 

— 

1 799 

447,83 s ? 

— 

79*924 

— . 

1800 

498,398 

1 5 7 

87,024 

68 


Imports from, and Exports to, Ireland. 

Value of Exports. 



Value of 

Britifh Ma- 

a 

Foreign Mer- 

Total 

Years. 

/ Imports. 

nufaffures. 

chandize. 

Exports. 






1790 

2 * 573*747 

1,-328,388 

937,380 

2,265,769 

1791 

2,479,279 

1 * 470,795 

999,667 

2,470, 463 

1792 

2,622,733 

1,512,844 

860,02 2 

2,372,866 

3 793 

2,284,920 

1,055,276 

888,048 

B 943 * 3 2 4 

3794 

2,749*900 

1,281,316 

I,IQ 9 ,I 59 

2,480,476 

1 79 j 

2,636,705 

1,612,270 

1,185,103 

2 * 797*463 

1796 

2,764,879 

,.781,789 

1,015,280 

2,797,070 

*797 

3 >i i 3 * 5 8 5 

1,310,996 

1,126,085 

2,437,082 

1798 

2,735,686 

',657,954 

1*3 1 6* fo8 

2 > 974 > 3 6 3 

*799 

2 , 770 , 73 ' 

2,405,999 

1,680,987 

4,086,986 

l800 

2 , 312,824 

1,787,966 

'. 953,533 












[ iS» ] 

An Account of the Value, according to the Prices cur¬ 
rent, of all Imports into, and Exports from, Ireland, 
for Five Years, ending 25th March, 1801, Bated in 
Britifh Currency *. 

Value of Exports. 


Year ending 

Value of 

Irifli 

Foreign 

Total 

25th March. 

Imports. 

Produce. 

Articles. 

Exports. 


£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

• 

1796 

5 . 9 2 4 » 6 5 + 

6,312,798 

5',049 

6,363,847 

1797 

5 . 74 '. 3 2 4 

5,702,632 

99,598 

5,802,230. 

1798 

4 . 395.504 

5,554,268 

107,127 

5,661,395 

1799 

5,688,361 

5,695,664. 

"93,989 

5,889,653 

1800 

7,525,385 

5,200,953 

227,967 

5,428,920 

* Accounts refpefting the Income, &c. of Ireland, (No. V.) 

ordered to 

be printed 29th June, 1801. 

It may 

be expected. 


that meafures will be adopted, for afcertaining, with the greateft 
pofiible precifion, not only the real value of the annual exports 
and imports of Great Britain and Ireland, but alfo the annual 
confumption of each country, in various taxable commodities, 
as by the 7th Article of the Union it is declared that “ at the 
“ expiration of twenty years, the future expenditure of the 
u United Kingdom, other than the interefi and charges of the 
“ debt to which either country fhall be feparately liable, fhall 
<{ be defrayed in fuch proportion as the United Parliament fliall 
te deem juft and reafonable, upon a comparifon of the real value 
“ of the exports and imports of the refpedlive countries, upon 
“ an average of the three years next preceding the revifion 3 or 
<l on a comparifon of the value of the quantities of the following 
“ articles, confumed within the refpe&ive countries, on a fimilar 
“ average, viz. Beer, Spirits, Sugar, Wine, Tea, Tobacco, and 
tc Malt; or, according to the aggregate proportion refulting 
<( from both thefe confiderations combined ; or on a comparifon 
“ of the amount of income in each country, eflimated from 
“ the produce for the fame periods, of a general tax, if fuch 
“ fliall have been impofed on the fame deferiptions of income 
“ in both countries.” Statements of this nature would be va¬ 
luable additions to the financial and commercial accounts, which 
are annually laid before Parliament. 


Account 




[ J 59 ] 

A. » . 

Account of Tonnage from and to Guernfey, Jerfey, 
Alderney, Sark, and Man. 



Gu. Jerfey, 

Ifle of 


Gu. Jerfey, 

Ifle of 


Aid. Sark. 

Man. 


Aid. Sark. 

Man. 

Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Years. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

1789 

18,656 

5>947 

*7 95 


ic j 339 

1790 

* 7*353 

S? T ] 4 

1796 

38,316* 

12,362 

I 79 I 

18,0,-5 

3,322 

1797 

29,997 

14,383 

* 79 2 

19,583 

1,639 

1798 

35,961 

11,257 

1793 

18,547 

IO ,933 

1799 

41,549 

10,537 

*794 

25,793 

11,907 

1800 

39,717 

10,859 


Official Value of Imports from, and of Exports to, 
Alderney, Guernfey, Jerfey, Sark, and Man. 

Value of Exports. 



Imports. 

Brit. Man. 

For. Merch. 

To. Exp. 

Years. 

£■ 

' C 

£• 

£- 

3790 

69,194 

90,078 

30,572 

I 2 J, 55 ° 

1791 

71,019 

98,203 

29,112 

127,316 

1792 

86,196 

104,201 

25,457 

109=658 
] 4)350 

1793 

103,204 

146,246 

38,104 

1794 

306,466 

132,627 

56,464 

189,092 

1795 

1 42,397 

140,546 . 

89,484 

230,03 r 

1796 

260, i 90 

148,622 

73,645 

222,267 

797 

1 9 8 ,356 

137,408 

84,335 

221,743 

1798 

206,835 

176,209 

6 ' ,495 

2 37 ? 7°5 

1799 

240,390 

213,232 

102,720 

3 1 5?953 

l800 

3 75, I1 7 

195,93! 

68,398 

264,33° 


We cannot reafonably apprehend that foreign 
nations, who, with all the advantages of neutrality 
during the war, have not hript us of our trade, or 
ruined our manufacturers, fhould be more fuccefs- 
ful in peace, when circumitances will be more fa¬ 
vourable to us; but it is extremely improbable, 
that France, without a plentiful fupply of fuel, 
without our improved mills and fleam-engines*, 

* The amount of capital veiled in mills and machinery, in the 
woollen manufacture alone, is eftimated, by a very intelligent manufac¬ 
turer of Leeds, Benjamin Gott, efquire, at 5,083,560!.—Minutes of 
Evidence before the Houfe of Commons, relating to Wool, 29th Aprii, 
1800. p. 3 r. 


without 




[ 1 «° J 

without that ingenuity which can only be acquired 
by long pra&ice, without habits of induftry, want¬ 
ing capital to fet her induftry in motion, and unable 
to give that credit which thofe countries which 

deal with us have been accuftomed to, ftiould 

/ • 

foon difpoflefs us of thofe markets which we now 
fupply. If we could underfed the French in Ame¬ 
rica before the year 1793, we may now hope to 
preferve our fuperiority. The taxes impofed dur¬ 
ing the war do not prefs heavily on our manufac¬ 
tures. The internal improvements, which during 
the lad ten years have taken place in Great Bri¬ 
tain, have facilitated the operations of labour, and 
rendered it more productive. New roads, canals, 
and machinery, while they reduce the price of 
manufactures, increafe the remuneration of the 
workman. 

In our export trade we now enjoy many peculiar 
advantages which we did not formerly pofiefs ; 
there is hardly an article in the manufacture of 
filks, woollens, cotton, leather, metals, and glafs, 
(plate-glafs excepted, in which, however, we have 
lately much improved,) which cannot be made in 
this country. Every fpecies of colonial produce 
(except fome kinds of fpices * and the precious 
metals) will be brought dire&ly to our ports. We 

* Some of the fpices, I believe, have been naturalized in our Weft 
India iflands, and in India; the complete conqueft of the Moluccas 
has afforded us the opportunity, which, it is to be hoped, will not be 
thrown away, of tranfplanting the dove and the nutmeg to the conge¬ 
nial foil of Ceylon. 

fhall 


Manufactures. 


[ 1S1 ] 




fhall thus be enabled to (apply every part of the 
World with cargoes completely aflqrted; and, 
though it (hould be admitted that in fome pf 
the lead valuable manufactures other nations may 
excel us, we may be a(Tured that, whenever we 
furnifh the principal commodities wanted by a fo¬ 
reign confumer, the convenience of making up an 
affortment will, if our prices are not extravagant, 
caufe a preference to be given to us in more trifling 
articles. 

The following flatements exhibit the real value 
of the principal articles, the growth, produce, or 
manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, export¬ 
ed to different parts of the world. It will be feen, 
from thefe interefling documents, that the principal 
articles of export from the two countries rank in 
the following order : 


GREAT BRITAIN. 

Exported on 
an Average of 
Three Years. 

A 

Woollens - 8,458,567 

Cottons - - 4,175,236 

Iron and Steel - 2,167,062 
Haberdalhery - M° 3 > 4°9 
Linens - - 1,278,734 

Brafs & Copper “i T o r , 
manufactured 3 ’ + J 54 
Silk - - 610,552 

Glafs and ? 
Earthenware £ 5 s 7 > 95 y 

..Leather - - 412,306 


6 r Linens 
*3 < Yarn 
5 (.Candles 


IRELAND. 

Exported on 
an Average of 
Three Years. 

£- 

2,654,253 

I 47* I1 4 
23,782 


. fButter * 949,266 

1 I Pork - 474> I 43 

Hs J Corn & Meal 441,051 

o . Beef - 4 2 4>$34 

P< Cows&Oxen 122,177 
tBacon - 117,75$ 


M 


An 




[ 162 ] 

An Account of the Value, according to the Prices Current 
of the Goods, Wares, and Merchandize, being Iriflx 
Growth, Produce, and Manufacture, exported from Ire- 

4 i 

land on an Average of the Three Years ending the 2$t a 
March, 1799, to Great Britain, and to all other Parts of 
the World*. 


Exports of Irifh Produce 
and Manufactures. 


t -- 

To Great Br. To all other Parts. Total. 


Beer and ale 

Books (bound and unbound) 
Brafs & copper,(manufadture) 
Candles 



£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

6 

66 2 

668 

94 

G 7 

271 

383 

9 i 

434 

220 

23,562 

23,782 

9 iSS 1 
2,118 


9 > 55 2 
. 2,118 


Cordage 

Corn and Meal 

435>°°3 

2,990 

6,048 

Cows and Oxen 

122,177 

- . ..... 

Cotton, and cottan and linen 1 

12,118 

mixed (manufacture) 

s 17 

Feathers 


6 , 34 - 

652 

Filh 


161 

6,96© 

Flax (drefled and undreffed) 

179 

6 

Glafs 


is? 

6,300 

Glue 


2 *359 

146 

Gunpowder 


1,786 

207 

Hats 



2 39 

Hogs 


4,892 

,— 

Hogs lard 


14,469 

1,607 

Horfes 


7,2S2 * 

18 

Hides untanned 

69 * 5*3 

1 73 

Iron (wrought) 

I IO 

3 * 33 ° 

Kelp 


6,633 

Heather (wrought) 

131 

5 > 2 9 * 

Linen 

rCambrick 

140 

2,184 

Plain, white 2 

,363,824 

273,892 


(.Coloured 

132 

14,081 

i 

r Bacon 

117,224 

53 i 


Beef 

343*272 

81,262 

Provifions< 

Bread 

786 

4,781 

Butter 

739*544 

209,722 


Cheefe 

648 

206 

/• \ 

Pork 

4IO,IC»7 

64,036 


^•Tongues 

*, 59 ° 

i,86S 


2 >99° 
44 1 >° 5 I 
122,177 

'W3S 

6 »954 

7,121 

185 

6,487 

2 > 5°5 

G 993 

2 39 

4,892 

16,076 

7,300 

69,686 

3 > 44 ° 

6,6 33 
5,422 
2,324 
2,637,716 
i4»2i 3 
** 7*755 
4 2 4>534 

5 > 5 6 7 

949,266 

854 

474**43 

3 > 45 s 


Y Accounts of the Commerce and Revenue of Great Britain and 
Ireland, ordered to be printed ad April, 1800, (B, No. I.) 


Rape. 










[ 


i6$ ] 


£■ 

Rape-feed w 8,313 

Sheep (alive) 645 

Silk (manufacture) • - • 

Silk, and worfted mixed (man.) — - 

Skins / Calf . 30,285 

i Other fkins 2,117 

Soap 1,076 

Spirits 499 

Stationary 673 

Tallow 32,090 

Wool 92 

Woollens, (manufacture) 13 

v c Linen 126,789 

a l Woollen worfted & bay 20,081 
All other articles 7,607 


£- 

if- 

•- 

8 *r 3 

— 

645 

*33 

1 33 

219 

219 

2,663 

32,948 

56 

2,173 

I 3>°39 

14,1 1 5 

S >°53 

5 >J 5 2 

28 

701 

V* 

CO 

O 

u» 

33*393 


92 

10*374 

io, 3 8 7 

244 

127,033 


20,081 

3 > 5 2 & 

n,i 35 


Total 4,891,161 


759^93 SA5°> 8 £3 





\ 


An 


M 2 








t J<4 3 

An Account of the Value, according to the Prices Current* 
or to the declared Value of the Merchants Exporters, of 
the Goods, Wares, and Merchandize, being Britifh 
Produce and Manufactures, exported from Great 
Britain, on an Average of the Three Years ending 5th 
January, 1799, to Ireland, and to all other Parts of the 
World*. 

Exports of Britifli Produce 
and Manufactures. 

To Ireland. To all other Parts. 



* 



Totat. 


" Bark, (tanners) 

£■ 



J 

0 1 

r4 1 

90,517 

268,62 1 

359»!3 8 

7 I 

•u 

0 

! Coals 

1 5 6,349 

2 I 2,077 

368,426 

V4 

c 

0 ; 

Vto 

\ Copper, (unwrought) 
I Lead 

8 i 0 

7» 2 35 

ib,113 
223,091 

16,923 

230,326 

«-* 1 

• J 

rT 4 1 

Salt 

36,198 

109,336 

! 45 j 534 

1 

£ l 

Tin 

5.3*5 

289,794 

295,109 

-“Beer 

10,796 

205,591 

216,387 


Brafs 

14,017 

459,161 

473.17 s 


Cottons 

66,619 

4,108,617 

4.17^236 


Cordage 

1, 1 3 1 

130,498 

131,629 

• 

Chariots and coaches 

18,734 

24,166 

42,900 

Cft 

V 

1 Copper 

x 4>539 

554.137 

568,676 

3 

'I ^ 

| Glafs and earthen ware 7 5,075 

462,884 

537.9^9 

Gunpowder 

1,465 

135744 

137,209 


Haberdafhery 

33 >544 

i,47°, o °5 

1,503,409 

p3 

1 [ron and fteel 

119,160 

2,047,902 

2,167,062 


Leather 

50,966 

361,34° 

412,306 


Linens 

22,534 

1,256,200 

1,278,734 


Pewter 

39° 

141,394 

141,784 


Silk 

24,991 

585,561 

610.552 


_ Woollens 

686,759 

7,77!,808 

8 >45 8 ^ 6 7 

Apothecary ware 

j 7>53 2 

i°7,4 2 5 

12 -l>957 

Books (printed) 

2,840 

88,568 

91,408 

Fifh 

96,78; 

164,887 

261,672 

Candles (tallow) 

6 

T 10,9 i6 

110,922 

AH other articles 

533.365 

7 ’879.357 

8,412,722 


Total £. 2,087,672 29,185,193 31,272,86; 


* Accounts of the Commerce, See. (A, No. I.) 








C 165 J 

One meafure, which, it was judjy cbferved by 
Mr. Rofe in the beginning of 1799*, was Hill want¬ 
ing to fecure the foreign commerce we have, and to 
afford the bed: chance of extending it confiderably, 
has at length been happily accomplished. By the 
adls for making wet docks in the ifle of Dogs, and 
near Wapping, a plan has been fan&ioned forefta- 
blifhing a warehoufe fyiiem $ and for enabling Ships 
in the Port of London to take in their cargoes 
with facility and difpatch. Probably not lefs than 
two millions will be expended in tliefe two docks ; 
Parliament has been recently applied to for powers 
to enable the Diredfors to open one of the docks in 
the Ifle of Dogs, which will be ready to receive the 
firSl: Well India Fleet that arrives in the enfuing 
fummer; and new plans are under difcuffion for 
rebuilding London bridge, and improving the quays 
and avenues leading to the Thames. <c Thus,*' as 
Mr. Burke obferves, ic our trade has grown too 
<c big for the ancient limits of art and nature. 
“ Our Streets, our lanes, our Shores, the river it- 
“ felf, which has fo long been our pride, are im- 
fc peded, and obStru&ed, and choaked up by our 
ce richesf,” 

It is not only by the foreign and coafting trade 
that the maritime power of Great Britain is fup- 

* Brief Examination into the Increafe of the Revenue, p. 78. 
f Third Letter on Peace, p. 156. 

M3 ported. 


[ 166 ] 


ported. The inland commerce, carried on by meahs 
of rivers and canals* rears a hardy race of men, ca¬ 
pable of managing fmall veffels, and qualified with 
lefs induction than mere landfmen would require, 
to become good feamen. Of the number thus 
employed it is not eafy to form an eftimate. A 
Regider, dating the tonnage of all boats of burden* 
on rivers and canals, and the number of men em¬ 
ployed in navigating them, would furnifh a very 
fatisfa&ory account of this part of the popula¬ 
tion of Great Britain*. That it is not incon- 
‘ fiderable may be prefumed from this circum- 
fiance, that near the metropolis alone, 3436 craft* 
and 000 wherries, employ about 10,000 boatmen 
and boys; and that, exclufive of the bufinefs which 
they tranfadl, there are 800,000 tons of different 
commodities carried up and down the river every 
yearf. 

* The 3 5thGeo. III. c. 58, only requires that veffels exceeding 13 
tons,ufed on navigable rivers and inland navigations, lhall be regifter- 
ed. This a6t, I conceive, Ihould be extended to fmall craft of every de¬ 
scription ; and the returns under this regifter annexed to the accounts 
of Shipping, required by Lord Liverpool’s A£l, which are annually 
laid before Parliament. A moderate licence-duty on veffels of every 
description would yield a very considerable revenue. 

f Colquhoun’s Police of the River Thames, pp. 16. & 498. In the 
Report from a Committee of the Houfe of Commons in 1793, on the 
Thames navigation,it was Sated (p. 55.) that the tonnage that paffed 
upwards on the River, at, and above Boulter’s lock, near Maiden¬ 
head, in the year ending on the iff Dec. 179a, amounted to 68,000 
tons. 


A very 


[ i6 7 ] 

/ 

A very confiderable increafe in inland navigation 
will probably take place. During the laft ten years 
126 Canal A 61 s of Parliament were parted, and many 
millions thus inverted in the internal improve¬ 
ment of the. country. It will appear from the 
following account that, in the ten years immedi¬ 
ately preceding, only 42 a£ts, or one third of 126, 
were parted*. 


Years. 

No.of Acts. 

Years. 

No. of A 61 s. 


1782 

I 

1792 

91 

) £• 

were 

6,793,800 

authorifed 

1 7 S 3 

5 

1793 

28 r 

to be 

raifed by 

1784 

3 

I794 

18J 

* thefe 

A6ts. 

i 7 8 5 

4 

1795 

12 



I786 

2 

1796 

16 



1787 

3 

1797 

7 



I788 

3 

J 79 8 

7 



1789 

3 

1 799 

4 



179° 

8 

iSOO 

*3 



1791 

10 

1801 

12 



Total No. of 

42 

Total No. of 

126 



A&s in the 

T 

A6ts in the 



1 ft ten years, 

- 

2d ten years, 





♦ The number of Navigation and Canal A£ts is erroneoully ftated in 
the Lords’ Committee of Secrecy Report on the Bank (No, 44) at u 
for 1795, an< * lZ f° r J 79 ^* 


M 4 


I {hall 


1 




[ 168 ] 


I fliall clofe this account of our commerce with 

i 

exhibiting, at one view, our trade with different 
parts of the world during the year 1800. 

An Account of the official Value of Imports into, and Exports from, Great 
Britain in the Year 1800, diftinguifhing the Countries, and alfo diftin- 
guilhmg Britifh Manufadures from Foreign Merchandize. 

Value of Exports. 


Foreign Mer- 

Value of Britifh chandize, in- Total 

Imports. Manu- eluding Prize Exports, 

fadures. Goods. 


£■ £■ £■ £■ 


Denmark 

— 

—i 

241,562 

186,703 

353*994 

540,698 

Ruflia 


— 

2,382,098 

557 * 374 ' 

467,960 

1*025,335 

Sweden 

— 

— 

309,280 

29,761 

49,079 

78,840 

Poland 

— 

— 

393 »° 4 I 

17,802 

30,099 

47,902 

PrufTia 

— 

— 

1,340,904 

297,185 

497,266 

794 * 45 * 

Germany 

— 

— 

*> 3 S *>*97 

4,364,120 

8,300,470 

12,664,591 

Holland 

—■ 

— 

972,600 

20,414 

3,188,198 

3,208,613 

Flanders 

— 

— 

34,656 

40,415 

768,410 

808,826 

France 

— 

— 

iw» 4 I 5 

130,685 

1 * 194*734 

i* 3 - 5 * 4 i 9 

Portugal 

— 

■— 

916,848 

903»435 

108,457 

1,011,893 

Madeira 

— 

— 

10,410 

171,082 

16,048 

187,131 

Spain 

— 

— 

655,652 

— 

3*382 

3 » 3 8i 

Canaries 

— 

—. 

4 s * 536 

— 

— 

— 

Streights 

— 

— 

2,940 

— 

— 

— 

Gibraltar 

— 

— 

32*725 

228,620 

65*937 

294,558 

Italy — 

— 

—- 

357*737 

440,017 

128,743 

• 568,760 

Venice . 

— 

— 

54,028 

9,601 

8,196 

i 7 , 79 S 

Turkey 

— 

— j 

199*773 

111,096 

55*703 

166,804 

Minorca 

— 

— 

I 3 * 5 °° 

7,776 

4*470 

12,246 


Total Foreign Europe 

10,428,913 

7,516,123 

15,241,131 

22 * 757» 2 54 

Ireland — — 

2,312,824 

1,787,g6 6 

i* 953»533 

3 , 741*499 

Alderney, Guern-^ 
fey, Jerfey& Man/ 

27 S >'17 

1 9 5 * 9 5 1 

68,398 

26j,33o 

Greenland — — 

125,805 

— 

761 

761 

States of America — 

2 * 357 » 9 2 3 

6,689,467 

196,040 

6,885,508 

Britifh Continent of \ 
America — / 

55 8 *°37 

i* i 9 6 *3 6 5 

240,081 

1,436,446 

Britilh Weft Indies *)_ 
including Trinidad / 

5,820,223 

2,827,113 

339*866 

3*166,980 

Conquered Iflands — 

2 * 543*534 

704,918 

i 4 2 * 3 i 4 

847,232 

Foreign Weft Indies 

310,196 

I 5*'°3 

7,818 

22,921 

Honduras Bay — 

16,777 

1,870 

430 

2 ,3°I 

Florida — — 

10,116 

24,792 

4 *i 53 

28,946 

Southern Filhery —• 

89,198 

— 

259 

259 

Nootka Sound — 

— 

3 6 *853 

644 

37,497 

Afia — — — 

4,942,275 

2,718,279 

142,141 

2,860,421 

Africa —■ — 

96,563 

589,496 

510,r61 

1,099,657 

Total of all Parts — 

29,887,506 : 

24,304,283 

18,847,735 , 

43 * ! 5 2 » OI 9 


Prize Goods imported 687,098—prize Grods exported are included in 
Total Imports — 30,570,605 *he Amount ol Exports to the dif¬ 
ferent Countries to which fent. 

The Shillings and Pence omitted in each feparate Article are included in 
the Totals. 









Z 169 3 


I have thus endeavoured to fliew, that, though 
a great part of the colonial trade, acquired by us 
during the war, mud: revert to other countries, 
and our commerce with the neutral powers of the 
North mud be reduced within much narrower 
bounds than it is at prefent, we may reafonably 
exped that the export of our manufactures to the 
United States will increafe, that our fettlements in 
America, the Wed Indies, and Ada, will be im¬ 
proving markets, and that returning amity and tran¬ 
quillity will fupply us with new cudomers in thole 
belligerent dates in Europe with whom our inter- 
courle has been fufpended or embarraffed during 
the conted. It is, however, material to recoiled, 
that neither the tonnage nor the values of imports 
and exports furnilh a fair comparifon of the relative 
importance of the different branches of our foreign 
trade. The exportation of a piece ofBritifh broad 
cloth is more beneficial to us than the re-exporta¬ 
tion of a quantity of Bengal muflin, or of Wed 
India coffee, of equal value. The exportation of a 
piece of broad cloth to a neighbouring country is 
more beneficial to us than the exportation of the 
fame commodity to a didant country. The rea- 
fons are obvious. The vent of Bridfh manufac¬ 
tures gives more employment to Britifh indudry, 

and 



[ 170 ] 

and contributes more towards our internal improve¬ 
ments, than the vent of foreign manufabluies or of 
colonial produce. The circuitous trade carried on 
with the Eaft and Weft Indies, for the fupply of 
other nations in Europe, is much too flow in its 
' returns, to fet fo much labour in motion, and to 
afford employment and fubfiftence to fo great a 
part of the nation, as a direft trade with our neigh' 
bours; a trade which, whilft it enables them to 
benefit by vicinage, and to procure what they want 
at the cheapelt rate, enables us to purcha r e the 
linens of Holland with the woollens of Yorkfhire, 
and the wines of France with the hardware of Bir¬ 
mingham. It is truly obferved that, exclufive of 
Britifh manufa&ures and produce exported, <c our 
“ export trade is, properly fpeaking, a trade of 
“ tranfit, of merchandize coming either from other 
“ parts of the Britifh Empire, or from foreign 
“ countries, and paffing through our ports: having 
a been brought to them either in confequence of 
<c our colonial laws or otherwife, as a fafe and con- 
<f venient place of depofit, in the way to the 
£c nations by which it is confumed.—This branch 
“ of trade, though of great advantage in a politi- 
“ cal view, and in its collateral benefits, yet, as a 
“ d'tredl fource of national profit, when contrafted 
“with the interior fources ,> of profit, “will ap- 
“ pear almoft infignificant in the comparifon, 
(c though of no inconflderable value in itfelf.—It 
9 cc will 


[ I 7 I 


J 


t: will immediately occur to any one, who confiders 
“ the fubjeCl with attention, that this portion 
“ of our export trade mud, at all times, whether 
<c of war or peace, return far lefs national profit 
' c than an equal value of commodities of our own 
“ produce and manufactures 

There is no reafon to apprehend that the mod 
valuable part of our commerce, the export of 
Britifh manufactures, will decreale in conlequence 
of the peace : nor do I conceive that the following 
efiimate of the peace export of thefe articles will 
appear extravagant. 

* Beeke on the Income Tax, p. 51. and p. 77. 


* 



jj 


1 




v 






flrff II; 




r* - • *> ryj 


■ J 


iK’y' : 

C- 30,00 i 




Official 

■ > 


t 172 3 


* \ • 

To Foreign Europe - - - 

Ireland ----- 

Alderney, Guernfey, Jerfey, 
and Man - - - 

Alia ------ 

Africa ^ 


America 
United States 
Britifh Continent 


6,689,467 

h* 9 6 > 3 6 5 


Official Value. 

£• 

5,967,068 


1,787,966 
| * 95 > 93 T 


3,718,279 
883,074 

f 

\ 

0 



* I*’ ' 

The amount of the exports of 
Britiffi Manufa6tures to Foreign 
Europe in 1792, the laft year of 
peace. In 1800, the export was 
7,516,123/. (See p. j68. ) 

The export in 1800. We may 
reafonably expert that the con- 
lumption of Britiffi Manufac¬ 
tures in Ireland will increafe in 
a period of tranquillity. The 
export to that country in 1792 
was 1,512,844/. ; and in 1799 
*> 4 ° 5 > 999 /- 

The export in 1800. The 
export in 1792 was 1 ,341,360/. 
The future export in confe- 
quence of the acquifition of the 
Myfore, and of Ceylon, will, 
probably, be much increafed. 

The export in 1791. 

The export in 1S00. The 
neceflfary confequence of the in- 
creafing wealth and population 
of the Continent of North Ame¬ 
rica, mull, for fome years to 
come, be an increafing demand 
for European Manufactures. 
No average of paft years could 
afford a fair idea of the future 
confumption of a very thriving 
(fate. 


BritifhWeft Indies 2,827,113 


Foreign Weft Indies 300,000 


Other Parts of the World 


11,212,943 

100,000 


The export in 1800. The 
export of many articles will be 
diminiffied in confequence of 
the reduction of the Fleet and 
Army in the Well Indies to the 
peace eftabliffiment- But this 
diminution will, probably, be 
more than compenfated by the 
increafed demand for Britiffi 
Manufactures in Trinidad, and 
in the Britiffi free ports. 
r If a liberal fyltem of free ports 
! is eltabhffied, there can be little 
| doubt that the export to the Fo- 
| reign Iflands & to Spaniffi Arne-, 
rica will exceed this l'um. The 
export of Britiffi Manufactures to 
the illand of St. Thomas in the 
year 1799 exceeded 200,000/. 
Lteal value. (See p. 82.) 

This 


£.32,862,263 











[ *73 ] 

This total is within one twentieth of the amount 
of the export of Britifh manufactures in the year 
1800 > and I am perfuaded that, if we enjoy peace 
rive years, the annual average export of Britifh ma¬ 
nufactures, in that period, will exceed this compu¬ 
tation. The fiagnation which many branches of 
bufinefs experienced during the interval between the 
Preliminary Articles and the Definitive Treaty was 
not occafioned by a general declenfion in our com¬ 
merce ; but may be fairly aferibed to the protraCled 
negotiation. The operations, however, of the 
mercantile clafTes are no longer perplexed by un¬ 
certainty. The treaty of peace aflures them the 
trade of an enlarged and confolidated empire ; and 
their capital, (kill, and fpirit of enterprise will affure 
them an ample portion of the trade of the world. 

The flourifhing ftate of our commerce, which, 
during a long and arduous ftruggle, has been ex¬ 
tended by Britifh induftry, and protected by Britifh 
valour, affords a memorable example of what 
may be effected by the fenfe, the fpirit, and the 
pcrfeverance of the people. 

u Quid virtus , et quid fapientia pojfit , 

“ Utile prop ofuit nobis exemplar .”— 

May the leffon not be thrown away ! May Britain, 
during peace, gratefully recolleCt that, whilft a 
great part of Europe, deficient either in wifdom or 
in courage, has facrificed its independence with the 

vain 


* 


[* *74 ] 

vain hope of preferving its property, a vigorous re- 
fiftance has enabled her to maintain her indepen¬ 
dence, and by the facrifice of a part to render the 
remainder of her wealth more valuable and more 
improveable ! May fhe gratefully recolle£t that the 
revolutionary fyfiem, which the has oppofed, has 
not forced her to furrendcr her commerce to pre- 
ferve her conftitution, and that the celfation, of 
hoftilities does not call on her to furrender her con¬ 
ftitution to preferve her commerce. They both 
may, they both will, flourifh together j and when, 
at fome future period, the feverifh ambition of 
mankind fhall compel her to unfheath the fword, 
her conftitution and her commerce will again 
fupply her both with motives, and with means, to 
profecute the conteft until it can again be termi? 
nated with fafety and with honour. 




v 


LETTER 


[ 1 75 ] 


LETTER Vlir. 

ON THE FINANCESj—DEFINITIVE TREATY, 

I DO notenter into a very minute confideration of 
our financial refources, though they are confeftedly 
great, becaufe no fatisfa&ory efiimate of the proba¬ 
ble amount of the future income and expenditure 
of the United Kingdom can be formed, until it is 
fettled whether any of the taxes impofed, on the 
fpur of the occafion, during the lafl: nine years, 
(hall be leflened, increafed, or repealed, and until 
the peace efiablifhment of the army and navy is 
determined on, and the expences of the war are 
wound up. 

It muft be admitted that the cofl of the war has 
been great and unprecedented: but an account of 
the difburfements which it occafioned furnifhes 

' • * . j i ^ . 

only barren truths that generate no ufefui conclu- 
fion. We all know that war is expenfive, and that 
peace is defirable : but to lament that money fiiould 
be fpent, and lives confumed, in fleets and armies, 
is to lament that great objects cannot be accom- 
plifhed without the application of great means. 
It is flill more abfurd to form, any ftandard of the 
merit of public men from the comparifon of two 
different periods, unlefs forces, exertions, and 

other 


[ *76 ] 

t 

other circumftances are in both the fame. We fhoulcf 
not bejuftified, from a comparifon of the national 
debt, expenditure, and taxes, incurred, whilft Mr. 
Pitt was in office, with thofe created by his prede- 
ceflors, to conclude that he had been criminally 
profufe and prodigal, and that they have been eco¬ 
nomical. In truth, as Mr. Burke veryjuftly ob- 
ferves, “ War and economy are things not eafily 
reconciled : the attempt of leaning towards parfi- 
tc mony in fuch a (late may be the word manage- 
tl ment, and in the end, the word economy in the 
<c world, hazarding the total lofs of all the charge 
* c incurred, and of every thing elfe along with it*. 55 
Common experience will inform us that the mag¬ 
nitude of expenditure forms no criterion of culpa¬ 
bility ; and that our eftabliffiments may cod more 
than thofe of our forefathers without being lefs 
economical. As the moll trifling payment from the 
Treafury cannot be defended if it is unneceflary, 
the larged, if it is judicioufly applied, furnifhes no 
ground for cenfure. The proper confideration is 
not merely how many millions were expended in 
the lad war, but whether the public purfe was care¬ 
fully and faithfully managed; whether the obje&s 
which excited, alfo deferved, our exertions; what 
proportion the force employed has borne to the 
means provided; and how far the ftrength and 

I ' -* 

* Obfervations on the late State of the Nation, p. 25. 

4 refources 


[ *77 ] 

refources of the country have been commenfurate 
with its burthens. Financial merit, I apprehend, 
is fomething more than the mere art of drawing 
money from the pockets of the people. It is to 
comprehend the nature and extent of the different 
fources of national wealth, and to impofe thofe taxes 
which the public fervice requires with the leaft 
poiTible injury to the reproductive powers of in- 
duftry. Examined by this tefl, the late Minifter 
might fafely reft his pretenfions to the gratitude of 
the public, on what has been urged as a proof of 
his demerit— <f a comparifon of the flate in which 
“ he found the refources of the country, and that 
ct in which he left them*’’. 

To his adminiftration we are indebted for the 

adoption of a fyftem of finance, which has intro- 

/ 

duced three meafures of infinite importance to pub¬ 
lic credit and the future fecurity of the country: 
i. The eflablifhment, in 1786, of a linking fund of 
1,000,000/ a year, which has been applied, together 
with an annual grant from Parliament of 2co,ooo/. 
and the interefl of the flock redeemed, to the li¬ 
quidation of the debt incurred previoully to that 
period: 2. The eflablifhment, in 1792, of a new 
finking fund by the act which provided that, in 
addition to the taxes which fhould be impofed for 
paying the interefl of any future loan, a furplus of 

'• See Mr. Morgan’s Comparative View of the Public Finances from 
the Beginning to the Clofe of the late Adminiftration, p. 2. 

n i per 


[ ] 

x per cent . per annum , on the capital created, fhould 
be railed for redeeming it* ** : and 3. The eftablifh- 
ment of a plan, confidered thirty years ago as im- 
practicable*!', to raife part of the war fupply within 
the year. 

Of the utility of thefe meafures the prefent ftate 
of public credit is the mod fatisfadtory proof. Al¬ 
though in confequence of a war, extenfive and ex- 
penfive beyond example, above 350,000,000/. of 
debt have been incurred, the marketable value of 
^government fecurities is now greater than it was 
in 1786, when the whole debt did not exceed 
40,000,000/.; and greater than it was in 1783, 
immediately after the conclufion of a general peace. 


Years. Bank Stock. 

India Stock, 

Three per 
cent. Conlols. 

1783 February 

126 

145 

• • 66 

1783 September 

12 7 

I4I 

66 

17S6 February 

1 39 

! 5 6 

69 

1802 April 28th + 

J 95 f 

22 5 f- 

7 K 


The following flatements exhibit a view of the 
national debt and finking fund on the lft Febru¬ 
ary, 1802. 


* See 3^d Geo. III. c, 55. 

t “ Suppofe lbme Jacob Henriqucs had propofed, in the year 1762, to 
“ prevent a perpetual charge on the nation by railing ten millions with- 

** in the year. He would be confidered not as a harlh financier who 
** laid an heavy hand on the public; but as a poor vifionary who had 
*• run mad on lupplies and taxes.'* O’ofervations on a late State of the 
Nation, (publilbed in 1769,) p. 35. 

+ ^ day after the Proclamation of Peace appeared in the London 
Gazette. • 

PFyIN- 


C *79 ] 


PRINCIPAL DEBT 
£< 

Total principal of the old 
debt created before the 
5th of January 1793 

Principal debt created 
fince January 1793, for 
which a finking fund of 
J per cent . per annum 
has been created in pur- 
fuance of the 32d Geo. 

III. c. 55. - - 241,981,355 

Principal debt of Ireland, 
payable in Great Britain 19,708,730 




£• 


£t 


338,331,248 


Principal debt (charged 
on the Income tax) for 
which no finking fund 
has yet been provided: 
now made part of the 
confolidated,permanent> 
debt - 


261 >690*105 


56,445,000 


318,135,105 


Total principal debt cre¬ 
ated before the if! of 
April 1802 


55 6 > 3 66 >353 

* See Report of the Committee on Finance, 1797, Appendix i ; Ac¬ 
count of Additions to the Annual Charge of the Public Debt: f ordered 
to be printed iSth March, 1802 ;) and Accounts refpeiting the Public 
Funded Debt, (ordered to be printed lit April, 1802.) 

■ / n 2 ANNUAL 





i 180 ] 


ANNUAL CHARGE ON UNREDEEMED DEBT. 

Annual Annuities for Charges of Total annual 
Inttrcft. lives, or for management, charge on un¬ 
terms of years. redeemed debt. 




£• £■ 


£■ 


Old debt creat- I , 0 _ _ ^ ^ t 

ed before 1793 >3 23 M 74 H 93 

New debt, for'v 

h!gtnd h li's p487,245 29 >,004 103,298 7,881,547 

been provided'' 

Debt of Ire-> 

land, payable l ^70,670 
in Great Bri- ( bi ’ ' 


9,792 8,625 589,087 

-4 


tain - - ' 

Debt (charged A 
on the income I 
tax) now part ? 15693,350 
of the perma¬ 
nent debt - 


19,666 25,621 1,738,637 


15.834,588 1,594,655 243,15917,672,402 


DEBT REDEEMED. 


By the old finking fund created 
in purfuance of the 26th Geo. S 
III. c. 31. J 

By the new finking fund created^ 
in purfuance of the 3ad Geo. > 

III. c. 55. J 

By hock transferred to the com- 
miffioners for redeeming the 
national debt;—on account of 
the land tax redeemed 


} 


Principal debt redeemed. 

£■ 

39,885,308 


20,490,003 


18,001,148 


Total debt redeemed before the ? 
ill of February, 1802 5 


8,376,459 




SINKING 







f 181 ] 




SINKING FUND. 


Old finking fund Annual charsre 

—' o 


£■ 

1 , 000,000 

Ufual grant 200,000 

Unclaimed and ex¬ 
pired annuities 125,708 

Dividend on 


£• 


j£- 39 > 88 5 > 3° 8 re- 
deemed 


1,208,479 




New finking fund 1 per cent, per ann. ^ 

on£.261,690,105, I 
part of the debt of / 2,660,443 
Great Britain and I 
Ireland (See p.179) J 

Dividend on 1 

£.20,490,003 re- i 614,700 

deemed J - 3>275> r 43 

Total finking fund 

on the ift of Feb. - 

1802 5,809,330 


It appears from thefe accounts of the national 
debt that, exclufive of £56,445,000 which were 
originally charged on the income tax, the capital 
funded Hock, on the 1 ft February 1802, including 

«• 4 • 'v. • ' f 

the capital redeemed, amounted to £499,921,35 ■; ; 
and that deducing £78,376,459,1110 amount of the 
capital redeemed, there remained at that period 
£.421,544,894 principal debt unredeemed. 

n 3 A com- 


) 








/ 


[ i8a ] 

♦ 

A comparifon of the finking fund with the prin¬ 
cipal and interefl of the unredeemed debt at dif¬ 
ferent periods, will fhew that the means of leffen- 
ing the public burthens have increafed more ra~ 
pidly than they have been augmented. 


Proportion of the Sinking Fund to the Capital of the 

Unredeemed Debt. 


Annual Sum appli¬ 
cable to the redemp¬ 
tion of the debt then 
Years. exifting. 


1786 

1793 

1802 


£. 

1 , 000,000 

1,427,143 

5 >%° 9 > 33 ° 



Unredeemed 
debt then cx- 
ifting. 

£• 0 

238,231,248 

227,989,148 

421,544,894 


Proportion of the Sinking Fund to the Intereft of the Un~ 
, redeemed Debt. 

Annual intereft 
and management 
of the unredeem- 

Years.' Sinking Fund ed debt. 


1786 1,000,000 lefs 1 ( 9th 

1793 1,427,143 lefs l than a 4 6th 

1802 5,809,330 more J > [ 3d 



£• 

9,297,000 

8,854,000 

1 S> 9 33 > 00 ° 


I do not conceive it would be proper, in confider- 
ing the proportion which the finking fund bore to 
the debt in February lad, or even in confidering the 
proportion which it now bears, to notice either 
£. 56,445,000, the debt originally charged on the 
incoine tax, but now made permanent, or the debt 
created by the a 61 lately paffed for raifing 
£25,000,000*, towards the iupplies of the current 


* Raiftd at lefs than four per cent, intereft. 


year. 



[ lS 3 ] 

4 

year. Both thefe operations form part of a fyftem, 
which has not been fullv detailed : a view only of 

j j 

the burthen thus impofed, without reference to the 
means intended to be provided for lelfening it, 
would lead us to form a very unfatisfactory efti- 
inate of the efficacy of the finking fund. 

The meafure of raifing part of the war fupply 
within the year has, both dire&ly and indire&ly, 

m 

contributed to leifen the amount of national 
debt which the funding fyftem would otherwife 
have entailed on pofterity. It diredlly leflened 
that amount by furnifhing an immediate fupply 
for the fervice of the years 1798, 1799, 1800, and 
1801 : and it lelfened it indirectly by its beneficial 
influence on public credit, which enabled the Mi¬ 
ni fter to raife the loans for the lafi: years of the 
war on better terms than he had done in 1798. 
Confidering the meafure with regard to this two- 
fold eflfefl, I have no doubt that it has. faved the 
nation a perpetual charge of .£.1,545,618 a year, 
or an annuity for 40 years of -£.2,060,824*. 

This refult may be {hewn in the following man¬ 
ner : 

1 ft Operation.—After dedu&ing that part of the 
aid and contribution, income and convoy duties 

* A finking fund of i percent. per annum, iffued by quarterly payments, 
will redeem a 3 per cent, capital, if the average price of ftooks is 75, in 
35 years, if 8^, in 39 years and a half, and it at par , in 46 years and a 
half. See Rofe’s Brief Examination, ( Appendix 3.) 

N 4 


which 


[ i8 4 ] 


which was applied to the payment of intereft: on 
loans in the years 1798, 1799, ail( i x dco, the re¬ 
mainder of thefe duties, applied to the war fupply 
of thefe years, when all arrears have been received, 
will, probably, amount to more than 15,000,000/. .* 
a fum which, if it had been funded, at the price of 
flocks in 1798, would have created an additional 
debt of £. 30,000,000, and have requireda perma¬ 
nent intereft of 900,000/. and if 300,000/. (1 per 
cent, per annum on the capital created,) had been 
added, upon the fyftem introduced by Mr. Pitt in 
1792, in order to reduce this debt to an annuity of 
4.0 years, the intereft payable during that period 
would have amounted to ^.1,200,000. 

2d Operation. 3 percents. 

£• 

In 1 798 the capital created on account 
of the fum of j 7,000,000/. borrow¬ 
ed for the fervice of Great Britain 
and Ireland, was - - 34,000,000 

Exclufive of an annuity of .£.22,125 

for 6 it years, worth - 422,432 


34 ? 4 22 > 43 2 

The Money borrowed and the Capital created in the Three 

following Years were in 

Capital created in 

Sums borrowed. 

£. 

18,1500,000 


1 7 99 

1800 

1801 


20,500,000 

28,000,000 

6”, 000,000 


the 3 per cents. 

£■ 

3 Z > 749 > 2 5 ° 

32,185,000 

49,210,000 

1 > 4 . M 4 ! z 5 ° 





[ 185 ] 

« ^ 

If 67,000,00c/. the fuin borrowed in thefe three 
years, had been funded upon no better terms than 
the £.17 ,000,000, borrowed in 1798, the capital 
created would have amounted to £. 135,664,879, 
which exceeds the actual capital created in 1799, 
1800, and 1801, by £.2 1,520,629. The per ¬ 
manent intereft of this debt would have amount¬ 
ed to £.645,61 8 annually; and if£.215,206 (1 per 
cent . per annum on the capital created) had been 
added in order to reduce this debt to an annuity 
for 40 years, the intereft payable during that period 
would have amounted to .£,860,824. 


Saving cffe£ted by the Plan of raifing Part of the War Supply 


By Tit ft Operation ] 
Second Operaiion { 


l 


within the Year. 


3 per Cents. 

Permanent 

Annuity for 

Principal Debt. 

Intereft. 

40 Years. 

£■ 

£■ 

£■ 

30,000,000 

900,000 

1,200,000 

21,520,629 

645,618 

860,824 

51,520,629 

i> 545 > 6iS 

2,060,824 


The finking fund mud have alfo materially 
aftifted public credit, and have enabled the Mini- 
iter to negotiate his loans on better terms than he 
would otherwife have done. 

In addition to the favings which have been 
thus effe&ed, it may be obferved that loyalifts 
debentures, and charges attending the ilfue of 
them, amounting to 2,946,269/. and other fums 
given to American loyalifts, at various times, and 

in 


1 










[ 186 ) 




in different mode 5 ?, formings together with the 
debentures, a total of more than 4,000,000/. have 
been paid off fmce the eftablifhment of the finking 
fund. Mr. Rofejuftly remarks, that this may be 
flridly confidered as a floating debt provided for, 
4s the amount muff have been funded, if it had not; 
been difcharged*. 

The expences, ajfo, of the Spanifh armament 
in 1791, provided for by debentures, and amount¬ 
ing to 3,133,00 cl. have been paid off. 

We are therefore indebted to the folid fyflem of 
finance, adopted by the iaft Adminiftration, for 
the following favings in the national debt: 


£• 


Sums paid to American ioyaliffs, above 4,000,00a 

Spanifh armament expences paid ^ 
off, above *. - 5) 

Savings effected by the plan for' 
raifing part of the war fup- 
ply within the year, above 

3 pebt redeemed by the finking 1 

fund and land tax, before the > 78,000,000 

1 ft February, 1802, above 


3, q go,oo a. 


50,000,00a* 


£• i35’°co,° c o 


ft this nation is defiined to enjoy a peace of 
ten or twelve years, (a term not exceeding the ave¬ 
rage period of peace, during the laft century) we 
may reafonably expedl that the finking fund will 
not only difcharge in that time a confiderable part 

* Brief Examination, p. 25. - 


(a fifth 




[ i8 7 ] 


(a fifth at lead) of the debt exiding at the com¬ 
mencement of the prefent year ; but that its annual 
amount, at the commencement of a future war, 
will exceed ten millions derling. On fuch topics 
we can only indulge reafonable expectations. 
FaCt may difappoint well-founded conjecture: 
cc The effeCts of all human contrivances are in 
the hands of Providence*.” Thofe, however, who 
were entruded with the management of the fi¬ 
nances of GreatBritain,during the laft fifteen years, 
have done their duty. They a&ed as became the 
guides of a mighty nation, placed in critical 
circumdances* which no wifdom could forefee. 
Great facrifices were neceffary: the national 
wealth, generofity, and fpirit, have enabled us to 
fubmit to them; and we are now placed in a fitu- 
ation, which countries that have adopted a conduCt 
iefs energetic, would be proud to fhare 3 in a 
fituation which will enable us to maintain a firm 
and dignified independence 3 and by a perfeverance 
in a vigorous fyftem of finance, to provide new 
means to meet new exigencies. 

Our taxes, I admit, are heavy, but they are not 
infupportable. “ I can” (to ufe the language of the 

• ■a ■ \ 

eminent datefman jud quoted) <c perceive the bur- 
“ then, but I cannot avoid contemplating, alfo, 
Cf the firength that fupports it. From thence I 
“ draw the mod comfortable afiurances of the 
“ future vigour, and the ample refources, of this 
“ great, mifreprefented, countryf.” 

* Burke. f Obfervations on a late State of the Nation, p. 29. 


I 188 3 


I will conclude this letter with a few remarks on 
fome parts of the Definitive Treaty. The chief ob¬ 
jections which have been made to it, relate to the 
non-renewal of former treaties, to India, to our 
navigation in the Eaflern Las, to the rights of the 
Britifh Flag, to Honduras, to Louifiana, and to 
Guiana. 

It is contended that the non-renewal of former 
Treaties of peace weakens the fovereignty of Great 
Britain to many of her colonial pofieflions, and 
that the claims of foreign nations with refpect to 
trade or territory in thofe countries, being now un¬ 
qualified by exprefs Fipulations, will be revived. 
On this head a French writer on the Law of Na¬ 
tions furnifhes a fufiicient anfwer. Vattel thus 
Fates the effect of treaties of peace : u as every 
“ power at war pretends to have right on its fide* 
“ and this pretenfion is not liable to be judged by 
“ others, the Fate of things at the infiant of the 
“ treaty is to be held legitimate, and any change to 
<c be made in it requires an exprefs fpecification in 
ff the treaty s confequently all things, not mentioned 
<f in the treaty, are to remain as they were at the 
<f conclufion ofit # .” 

* Vattel, b. iv, § 21, 

I cannot 



. . . t I 

. t 189 ] 

I cannot fee how the non-renewal of the fiipula- 
tions in the treaty of 1783 and the convention of 
1787, refpedting India, affects our fovereignty in 
that country. Thofe ftipulations were conceffions 
merely of a commercial nature ; directed to fecure 
to the flibjefts of France a fafe, free and indepen* 
cc dent trade, fuch as was carried on by the French 
“ Eaft India company, whether they exercifed it 
c< individually, or as a company, as well in the na- 
€i bobfhip of Arcot, and the countries of Madura 
cc and Tanjore, as in the provinces of Bengal, Ba- 
“ har, and Orixa, die Northern circars, and in ge- 
“ neral in all the Britifh poffeflions on the coafts of 
<f Orixa, Coromandel, and Malabar.” This is the 
firfl article of the convention concluded between 
Great Britain and France in 1787. The fecond 
article fiipulates that the French fhall not import 
annually more than 200,000 pounds of fait into Ben¬ 
gal, to be delivered at a fixed price, at a place of 
depofit appointed for the purpofe. No fuch ftipu- 
lation exifis in the prefent treaty. The French may 
therefore fmuggle as much fait as they can into 
Bengal, and they may do the fame into Great Bri¬ 
tain : but it will not be eafy for them to carry on a 
trade of this defcription from the factories reftored 
to them by the treaty, from mere houfes of com¬ 
merce circumfcribed by our fettlements, and watch¬ 
ed by the civil and military powers of Britifh In¬ 
dia. France, too, has loft the privilege, which fine 
5 acquired 


[ J 9 0 ] 

acquired by the third article of the convention of 
1787, of purchafing in Bengal 18,000 pounds of 
faltpetre, and 300 chefts of opium, at the price 
eftablifhed before the war of 1778. Whatever 
commercial advantages fhe may wifh to obtain in 
our Eaftern empire, mult be the refult of com¬ 
mercial convention. The rights of Britifh fo- 
yereignty in Afia are indiiputable. France, it is 
true, never diredtly recognized them : but they are 
not the lefs fecure on that account. The Myfore> 
the fruit of conqueft, whilft we have the means of 
defending it, will be held on as firm a tenure, as 
that which fecures to the French Republic either 
Savoy, or Belgium. 

Some objectors to the peace have complained 
that, by the omiflion of the article contained in for¬ 
mer treaties with Plolland, refpecting a free navi¬ 
gation to the Eaftern feas, our commerce with the 
Dutch lpice iflands is deftroyed. I confefs that on 
this point, the flipulation, which our negotiators 
obtained for us in 1784, does not appear to me to 
have been worth tranferibing. It is (I quote the ori¬ 
ginal treaty) as follows :— Ci Les Etats Generaux des 
Provinces-Unies promettent et s’ennagent a ne 

x O O 

cc point generla navigation des fujecs Biitanniques 
tc dans les mers Orientates.” This article gave us 
no power to trade with Amboyna or Banda : and I 
do not believe the Cuflom-houfe would furnifh the 
9 account 




- [ i 9 i i 

account of a fingle pound of cloves or nutmegs 
configned directly in Britifh fhips from thefe iQands 
to Great Britain. All it meant was to protedl our 
veffels, navigating the Eaflern feas, from being 
treated as piratical, which the Dutch, from their ex¬ 
treme jealoufy, refpedting this monopoly of the fpice 
trade, had always confidered them and, nctwith- 
ftanding its omiflion in the prefent treaty, any mo- 
legation of Britifh fhips, not engaged in an illicit 
commerce, in the Eaftern Teas would be a contra¬ 
vention of the firft article, which ftipula r es that 
(i there (hall be peace, friendfhip, and good under- 
handing” between the contracting parties. 

It is laid that we have renounced the right of the 
Britifh flag, by the omiffion of the article contained 
in all modern treaties with Holland, which required 
that their fhips of war and other vefTds, meeting 
any Britifh men of war in the Britifh feas, fhould 
ftrike their flags, and lower their topfails f. To 
me it appears that our negotiators adled wifely ill 
not infilling on the revival of this ancient punctilio: 
The eflablifhment of fuch a cuflom, would have 
added nothing to the dignity, fecurity, or import- 

* See Forreft’s Voyage. 

f See the 19 th article of the Treaty of Peace between Charles the 
Second and the States General, in July 1667, and the fccond article 
of the Treaty of Peace with the States General in May, 1784. 


nftce 


£ 192 ] 

ance of Great Britain. To advance pretenfions for 
priority of place in a congrefs, for pre-eminence in 
lalutes at fea, or for precedence in titles, is, at belt, 
to contend for what yields no folid power, and is 
calculated to infpire one of the contra&ing parties 
with animofity and revenge. In modern times, dis¬ 
putes of this nature have been fufpended by mutual 
compromife, and by the tacit and gradual abolition 
of national etiquette. If a fubjeft of this kind arifes 
between two nations, neither of which acknowledges 
a fuperior, the wifefl conduct to purfue is that re¬ 
commended by the able Counfellors of our high-Spi¬ 
rited queen Elizabeth, to get rid of the matter “ by 
u fame way of indijferency , without priority to ei- 
<c t j jer The negotiators of the peace of Amiens 
have a£ted on this principle, in omitting the claufe 
of precedence contained in former Dutch treaties. 
Vattel well obferves that cc nations a;e naturally 
cf equal, and receive from nature the fame obliga- 
<c tions and rights. Power or weaknefs does not in 
cc this refpedt produce any difference. A dwarf is 
<c as much a man as a giant; a fmall republic is as 
cc much a fovereign ftate as the moll powerful king- 
<c dom j\ None can pretend to prerogative. Their 
<c right to freedom and fovereignty renders them 
“ equals J.” 

/ 

* See Win wood’s Memorials. f Ya ' , n rel, § 18, 

% Vattel, b, ii. § 36- 


It 


L l 93 ] 

- It has been aflerted that all former ftipulations, 
reipeeing the rights of Great Britain to the Bay of 
Honduras were abrogated by the war ; and that, as 
we have not obtained a fpecific renewal of them, 
the right to cut logwood and mahogany in the 
Bay is annihilated. In anfver to this, it may be 
obferved that Great Britain has engaged by the 
third article of the treaty <c to re (lore to the French 
iC and their allies, all the pofieflions and colonies 
“ which refpedively belonged to them, and which 
* c have been either occupied or conquered by the 
* c Britifh forces during the courfe of the war, ex- 
“ ceptingTrinidad andC'eylon.” No pi;blicift, how¬ 
ever ingenious, can reafonably maintain that the 
words c< occupied during the courfe of the war - ’ ex¬ 
tend to Honduras, which we occupied before the 
war. Our right there is a right of polTetiion, pre- 
ferved throughout the war, and not annulled by the 
Peace. If the non-renewal of treaties has any effed:, 
it mud; be difadvantageous to Spain ; fince, by re¬ 
taining the pofieflion of this fettle men t, unfettered 
by any ftipulations, we fhould be freed from the en¬ 
gagement entered into by the 17th article of the 
Treaty of Paris, to demolifh fortifications ereded 
in the Bay of Honduras, and the further ftipulations 
contained in the Treaty of peace of 1785, and the 
Convention of 1786. I apprehend, however, that, 
as Great Britain will allow other nations to avail 

O them- 


[ *94 3 


themfelves of the non-renewal of treaties to fet up 
ancient and exploded rights of fovereignty, flie 
will not on her part convert the jus publicum of 
Europe into a fyftem of endlefs litigation and de¬ 
pute. 

The acquifition ofLouifiana by France furnithes 
no ground for ferious alarm on the part of Great Bri¬ 
tain. If the French are more fuccefsful, than they 
were in ancient times, in railing a colony on the 
continent of America to maturity, they may prove 
troublefome neighbours to the United States; dif- 
putes will arife between them refpedting boundaries 
and navigation ; and jealoufies be created that will 
induce the Americans to court the friendfhip of 
this country. France, by obtaining Louifiana, comes 
into contact with a ftate, which has doubled her po¬ 
pulation iince fhe withftood the fleets and armies of 
Great Britain. The Mifliflippi is not advantageoufly 
fituated for fupplying the French Weft Indies with 
lumber and proviflons. A voyage from New Orleans 
to St. Domingo in the teeth of the trade wind could 
not, I apprehend, be effedted in lefs time than a 
voyage from Breft. 

It is faid that Louifiana is particularly valuable, be- 
caufe it is capable of producing cotton in great abun¬ 
dance; and that, as we have furrendered by the peace 
Tobago and other colonies from whence the chief 
fupply of cotton is derived, we muft in future, de¬ 
pend 


t 195 ] 

pend almoft: entirely on foreign countries, for the 
fupply of the raw materials of a very important ma- 
nufadture. This is a miflake. I have already noticed 
our import of cotton from India. If the French or 
Dutch, contrary to their own intereft, fhould refute 
to fupply us with Weft India cotton, any quantity 
of this article may be obtained from Surat and 
Bombay. 

It has been faid that the acquifttion of a naval 
Ration, at the mouth of the river of the Amazons, 
will enable the French to fend out cruifers, to mo- 
left our India trade. There is the fame objection 
to this ingenious fpeculation, which a critic in Gil 
Bias introduces as the chief feature of the tragedy 
of Iphigenia in Aulis, u the wind/’ A trip from 
the river of the Amazons to Cape St. Auguftine, 
which lies almoft due Eaft from it, and muft be 
palled before an Indiaman can be intercepted in 
her track from Europe to Rio Janeiro, would, 1 
am perfuaded, take up as much time as a trip from 
Breft ; or even from thofe embryos of naval fta- 
tions, Cherbourg and Flulhing. 

The article refpe&ing Malta is as ftrong a re¬ 
nunciation, on the part of the French, of any right 
to interfere in the internal concerns of the ifland, 
as the renunciation, contained in the treaty of 
Utrecht, of the king of Spain’s intereft in the crown 
of France. The independence of the illand is 
guaranteed by all the contra&ing parties. 

• I will conclude with obferving that the lan¬ 
guage of the Definitive Treaty, on the various 

fubje&s 


I 


[ 196 ] 


fubjedls contained in it, is unambiguous; and a 
comparifon of its provifions with various articles 
in former treaties, (particularly the treaty of 
Utrecht, in 1713, and that of Paris, in 1763,) 
would demonftrate, that, whilfl many of the terms 
fettled by former negotiators are loofe, obfcure, 
and capable of different interpretations, the fti- 
pulations of the prefent Peace are clear and un¬ 
equivocal. 


Lincoln s Inn Fields % 
%tb May 3 i 8 c 2 . 


F. M, E, 








v 





1 






% 


THE 




[ 197 J 


The DEFINITIVE TREATY of PEACE, between 
H is Britannick Majefty, and the French Republick, 
His Catholick Majefty, and the Batavian Republick. 
Signed at Amiens, the 27th Day of March 1802. 


H IS Majefty the King of the 
United Kingdom of Great-Bri- 
tain and Ireland, and the Firft Conful 
of the French Republick, in the Name 
of the French People, being animated 
with an equal Defire to put an End to 
the Calamities of War, have laid the 
Foundation of Peace in the Prelimi¬ 
nary Articles figned at London, the 
Firft of O&ober One thoufand eight 
hundred one (Ninth Vendemiaire, Year 
Ten). 

And as by the Fifteenth Article of 
the faid Preliminaries, it has been Hi - 
pulated that Plenipotentiaries fhould 
be named on each Side, who fhould 
proceed to Amiens for the Purpofe of 
concluding a Definitive Treaty, in 
Concert with the Allies of the con¬ 
tracting Powers 5 

His Majefty the King of the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland 
has named for His Plenipotentiary the 
Marquis Cornwallis, Knight of the 
moft llluftrious Order of the Garter, 
Privy Counfeilor to His Majefty, Ge¬ 
neral of Plis Armies, &c.j the Firft 
Conful of the French Republick, in 
the Name of the French People, the 
Citizen Jofeph Bonaparte, Counfeilor 
of State j His Majefty the King of 
Spain and of the Indies, and the Go¬ 
vernment of the Batavian Republick, 
have named for their Plenipotentiaries, 
videlicet. His Catholick Majefty Don 
Jofeph Nicolas de Azara, His Coun- 


S A Majefte le Roi du Royaume 
Uni de la Grande Bretagne et 
d’lrlande, et le Premier Conful de la 
Republique Fran$a1fe, au Nom du 
Peuple Fran^ais, egalement animes du 
Defir de faire cefler les Calamites de la 
Guerre, ont pofe les Fondemens de la 
Paix par les Articles Preliminaires 
figncs a Londres, le Premier Oitobre 
Mil huh cent un (Neuf Vendemiaire 
An Dix.) 


Et comme par 1’Article Quinze des 
dits Preliminaires, il a ete convenu 
qu’il fcrait nomme de Part et d autre 
des Pjenipotentiaires qui fe rendraient 
a Amiens pour y proceder a la Re¬ 
daction du Traite Definitif, de Con¬ 
cert avec les Alli 6 s des Puififances con- 
tra&antes j 

Sa Majefte le Roi du Royaume Uni 
de la Grande Bretagne et d Irlande a 
nomme le Marquis de Cornwallis, 
Chevalier de l’Ordre tres Illuftre de la 
Jarretiere, Conleiller Prive de Sa Ma¬ 
jefte, General de Ses Armees, &c. le 
Premier Conful de la Republique rrau- 
<jaife, au Nom du Peuple Francais, 
le Citoven Jofeph Bonaparte, Com 
feiller d’Etat ; Sa Majefte le Roi d ? 
Efpagne et des Indes, et le Gouverne- 
ment d’Etat de la Republique Batave, 
ont nomme pour leurs Plenipotenti- 
aires, favoir, Sa Majefte Catholique 
Don Jofeph Nicolas de Azara, Son 
Confeiller d’Etat, Chevalier Grand 
P Croir. 




[ I 9 S ] 


fellor of State, Knight, Great Crofs of 
the Order of Charles III. His faid 
Majefty’s Ambafi'ador Extraordinary 
to the French Republick, &c. and the 
Government of the Batavian Repub- 
lick Roger John Schimmelpenninck, 
their Ambaflador Extraordinary to the 
French Republick ; who, after having 
duly communicated to each other their 
full Powers, which are tranfcribed at 
the End of the prefent Treaty, have 
agreed upon the following Articles ; 

Article I. 

There iliall be Peace, Friendfhip, 
and good Underftanding between His 
Majefty the King of the United King¬ 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, His 
Heirs and Succeflors, on the One 
Part; and the French Republick, His 
Majefty the King of Spain, His Heirs 
and Succeflors, and the Batavian Re¬ 
publick, on the other Part. The con¬ 
tracting Parties (hall give the greateft 
Attention to maintain between them- 
felves and their States a perfeCt Har¬ 
mony, and without allowing, on either 
Side, any Kind of Hoftilities, by Sea or 
by Land, to be committed for anyCaufe 
or under any Pretence whatfoever. 

They (hall carefully avoid every 
Thing which might hereafter affeCt 
the Union happily re-eftabliflied, and 
they {hall not atford any Afliftance 
or Protection, direCtly or IndireCtly, to 
thofe who fhould caufe Prejudice to 
any of them. 

Article II. 

All the Prifoners taken on either 
Side, as well by Land as by Sea, and 
the Hoftages carried away or given 
during the War, and to this Day, fhall 
be reftorcd, without Ranl'om, in Six 
Weeks at late ft, to be computed from 
the Day of the Exchange of the Rati¬ 
fications of the prefent Treaty, and on 
paying the Debts which th< y have con- 


Croix de POrdre de Charles III. Am- 
baftadeur Extraordinaire de Sa dite 
Majefte pres la Republique Franqaife, 
&c. et le Gouvernement d’Etat de la Re¬ 
publique Batave, Roger John Schim¬ 
melpenninck, Son Ambafladeur Extra¬ 
ordinaire pres la Republique Fran- 
qaife ; lefquels, apres s’etre duement 
communiques leurs pleins Pouvoirs, 
qui font tranferits a la Suite du prefent 
Traite, font convenus des Articles 
fuivans. 

Article I. 

II y aura Paix, Amitie, et bonne 
Intelligence entre Sa Majefte le Roi du 
Royaume Uni de la Grande Bretagne 
et d’lrlande, Ses Heritiers et Snccef- 
feurs, d’une Part j et la Republique 
Franqaife, Sa Majefte le Roi d’Efpagne, 
Ses Heritiers et Succefleurs, et la Re¬ 
publique Batave, d’autre Part. Les 
Parties contraClantes apporteront la 
plus grande Attention a maintenirune 
parfaite Harmonie entre elks et leurs 
Etats, fans permettre, que de Part ni 
d’autre, on commette aucune Sorte 
d’Hoftilite, par Terre ou par Mer, 
pour quelque Caufe ou fous quelquc 
Pretexte que ce puifle etre. 

Elies eviteront foigneufement tout ce 
qui pourro't alterer a Pavenir PUnion 
heureufement retablie, et ne donnevont 
aucun Secours ni Protection, foit di« 
reClement foit indircClement, a ceux 
qui voudraient porter Prejudice & au¬ 
cune d’elles. 

Article II. 

Tous les Prifonniers faits de Part et 
d’autre, tant par Terre que par Mer, 
et les Otages enlevcs ou donnes pen¬ 
dant la Guerre, et jufqu’ a ce Jour, fe- 
ront reftitues fans Ranqon, dans Six 
Semaines au plus tard, a compter du 
Jour de 1’Echangedes Ratifications du 
prefent Traite, et en payant les Dettes 
qu’ils auraient contraClees pendant 

kur 


t *99 J 


traced during their Captivity. Each 
con trading Party (hall refpedively dis¬ 
charge the Advances which have been 
made by any of the contrading Parties 
lor the Subhftence and Maintenance 
of the Prifoners in the Country where 
they have been detained. For this 
Purpolea Cotnmiftion (ball be appoint¬ 
ed by Agreement, which (hall be fpe- 
cially charged to afcertain and regulate 
the Compenfation which may be due 
to either of the contrading Powers. 
The Time and Place where the Com- 
miflioners, who (hall be charged with 
the Execution of this Article, (hall 
aflemble, (hall alio be fixed upon by 
Agreement; and the faidCommilTioners 
(hail take into Account the Expences 
occafioned not only by the Piifoners 
of the refpedive Nations, but alfo by 
the Foreign Troops who, before they 
were made Prifoners, were in the Pay 
or at the Diipofal of any ot the con- 
drafting Parties. 

Article Ilf, 

His Britannick Majefty reftores to 
the French Republic!? and her Allies ; 
namely, His Catholick Majefty and 
the Batavian Republic!?, all the Pof- 
leilior.s and Colonies which belonged 
to them refpedively, and which had 
been occupied or conquered by the 
Britifti Forces in the Oourfe ot the 
War, with the Exception of the Ifland 
of Trinidad, and the Dutch Pofteffions 
in the Ifland of Ceylon. 

Article IV. 

His Catholick Majefty cedes and 
guarantees in full Right and Sove¬ 
reignty to His Britannick Majefty the 
Ifland of Trinidad. 

Article V. 

The Batavian Republick cedes and 
guarantees in full Right and Sove¬ 
reignty to His Britannick Majefty all 


leur Captivity. Chaque Partie con- 
tradante foldera refpedivement lea 
Avances qui auraient ete faites par au- 
cune des Parties contradantes pour la 
Subfiftance et l’Entretien des Prifon- 
niers dans le Pais ou ils ont ete detenus. 
II fera nomm6 de Concert pour cet 
Effet une Commiflion fpecialement 
chargee de conftater et de regler la 
Compenfation qui pourra etre due a. 
l’une ou a l’autre des Puiftances con¬ 
tradantes, On fixera egalement de 
Concert PEpoque et le Lieu, ou fc 
rallembleront les Commiftaircs qui fe- 
ront charges de P Execution de cet Ar¬ 
ticle, et qui porteront en Compte non 
feulement les D6penfes faites par les 
Prifonniers desNations refpedives,mais 
aufti par les Troupes Etrangeres qui 
avanc d’etre prifes etaient a la Solde et 
& la Dilpofition de l’Une des Parties 
contradantes. 


Article III, 

Sa Majefte Britannique reftitue d la 
Republique Franqaife et a fes Allies ; 
favoir, Sa Majefte Catholiqueet la Re¬ 
publique BataVe, toutes les Poflellions 
et Colonies qui leur appartenaient re- 
fpedivenaent, et qui ont ete occupees 
ou conquifes par les Forces Britan- 
niques dans le Cours de la Guerre, a 
PException de Pille de la Trinite et 
des Pofteffions Hollandaifes dans PI(k 
de Ceylan. 

Article IV. 

Sa Majefte Catholique cede et ga- 
rantit en toute Propriety et Souve- 
rainete a Sa Majefte Britannique llilc 
de la Trinite, 

Article V., 

La Republique Batave cede et ga- 
rantit en toute Propriete et Souve^ 
rainete a Sa Majefte Britannique toute 
Pi le 


200 


the Pofteilions and Efbblifhmerits in 
the Ifland of Ceylon, which belonged, 
before the War, to the Repubiick of 
the United Provinces, or to their Eaft 
India Company. 

Article VI. 

The Cape of Good Hope remains 
in full Sovereignty to the Batavian 
Republic, as it was before the War. 

The Ships of every Defcription be¬ 
longing to the other contracting Par¬ 
ties fhall have the Right to put in there, 
and to pur-chafe inch Supplies as they 
may (land in Need of as heretofore, 
without paying any other Duties than 
thole to which the Ships of the Bata¬ 
vian Republick are lubjeCted. 

Article VII. 

The Territories and Pofleiltons of 
Her moft Faithful Majefty are main¬ 
tained in their integrity, fuch as they 
were previous to the Commencement 
of the War. 

Neverthelefs, the Limits of French 
and Portuguefe Guiana (hall be deter¬ 
mined by the River Arawari, which 
’ falls into the Ocean below the North 
Cape, near the I fie Neuve, and the 
‘ Ifland of Penitence, about a Degree 
and One Third of North Latitude. 
Thefe Limits fhall follow the Courfe 
of the River Arawari, from that of its 
Mouths which is at the greateft Di- 
Itance from the North Cape to its 
- Source, and thence in a direct Line 
from its Source to the River Branco, 
towards the Weft. The Northern 
Bank of the River Arawari, from its 
Mouth to its Source, and the Lands 
which are fituated to the North of the 
Line of the Limits above fixed, fhall 
confequently belong in full Sovereignty 
'to the French Republick. The Scuth- 


les PofTeffions et EtablilTemens dans 
PI fie de Ceylan, qui appartenaient 
avant la Guerre a la Republique des 
Provinces Unies, ou a fa Compagnie 
des Indes Orientales. 

Article VI. 

V * 

Le Cap de Bonne Efperancc relte 
a la Republique Batave en toute Sou- 
verainete, comme cela avait Lieu avant 
la Guerre. 

Les Batimens de toute Efpece ap- 
partenant aux autres Parties contraCl- 
antes auront la Faculte d’y relacher, 
et d’y acheter les Approvifionnemens 
neceflaires comme anparavant, fans 
payer d’autres Droits que ceux aux- 
quels la Republique Batave afl’ujettit 
les Batimens de la Nation. 

Article VII. 

Les Territoires et PofTeflions de Sa 
Majefte tres Fidelle font maintenus 
dans leur Integrity tels qu’ils etaient 
avant la Guerre. 

Dependant, les Limites des Guyart- 
nes Franqaifc et Portugaife font fixees 
a la Riviere d’Arawari qui fe jette dans 
1 Ocean au deffous du Cap Nord, pres 
de EI fie Neuve et de PlUe de la Peni¬ 
tence, environ a un Degre un Tiers de 
Latitude Septentrionale. Ces Limites 
iuivront la Riviere d’Arawari depuis 
fon Embouchure la plus 6loignee du 
Cap Nord jufqu a fa Source, et en- 
fuite line Ligne droite tirce de cette 
Source julqu’au Rio Branco vers 
1 Otieft. En confequence la Rive Sep- 
tentrionale de la Riviere d’Arawari de¬ 
puis la derniere Embouchure jufqu’a 
fa Source, et les 'Ferres qui fe trouvent 
au Nord de la Ligne des Limites fixees 
ci-deifus, appartiendront en toute Sou- 
verainete a la Republique Franqaife. 
La Rive Meridionale de la dite Ri- 

. Ttere 


r 201 ] 


ern Bank of the faid River from its 
Source, and all the Lands to the 
Southward of the faid Line of De¬ 
marcation, fhall belong to Her mod 
Faithful Majtfty. The Navigation of 
the River Arawari (hall be common 
to both Nations. 

9 

The Arrangements which have 
taken Place between the Courts of 
Madrid and of Lifbon, for the Settle¬ 
ment of their Frontiers in Europe, 
fhall, however, be executed conform¬ 
ably to the Treaty of Badajoz. 

Article VIII. 

The Territories, Pofftffions, and 
Rights of the Ottoman Porte are 
hereby maintained in their Integrity, 
fuch as they were previous to the 
War. 

Article IX. 

The Republick of the Seven 
I(lands is hereby acknowledged. 

Article X. 

T he Iflands of Malta, Gozo, and 
Comino, fhall be reifored to the Order 
of Saint John of Jerufalem, and fhall 
be held by it upon the fame Con¬ 
ditions on which the Order held them 
previous to the War, anti under the 
following Stipulations: 

I. The Knights of the Order, 
whole Langues fhall continue to fub- 
fift after the Exchange of the Ratifi¬ 
cations of the prefent Treaty, arc in¬ 
vited to return to Malta as foon as 
that Exchange fhall have taken place. 
They fhall there form a general Chap¬ 
ter, and fhall proceed to the Election 
of a Grand Matter, to be chofen from 
amongft the Natives of thofe Nations 
which preferve Langues, if no fuch 
Eledfion fhall have been already made 


viere partir de la merne Embouchure* 
et toutes les Ttrtes au Sud de la dite 
Ligne des Limites, appartiendront & 
Sa Majefle ties Fidelle. La Navi¬ 
gation de la Riviere d’ Arawari dan3 
tout fon Cours fera commune aux 
deux Nations. 

Les Arrangemens qui ont eu Lieu 
entre les Cours de Madrid et de Lif- 
bonne, pour la Rectification de leurs 
Frontiercs en Europe, feront toutefois 
executes fuivant les Stipulations du 
Traite de Badajoz. 

Article VIII. 

Les Territoires, PofTeflions, et Droits 
de la Porte Ottomane font maintenus 
dans leur Integrite, tels qu’ils etaient 
avant la Guerre. 

Article IX. 

La Republique des Sept Ifle 9 eft 
reconnuc. 

Article X. 

Les Ifles de Make, de Gozo, et de 
Comino, feront rendues POrdre de 
St. Jean de Jerufalem, pour etre par 
lui tenues aux memes Conditions 
auxquelles il les pofledait avant la 
Gutne, et lous les Stipulations fui? 
vantes: 

I. Les Chevaliers de POrdre, dont 
les Langues continueront a fubfifler 
apres l’Echange des Ratifications du 
prefent Traite, font invites a retourner 

Make auftitot que PEchange aura 
eu lieu. Ils y formeront un Chapitre 
general, et procederont a PEletttion 
d’un Grand Maitre, choifi parmi les 
Natifs des Nations qui confervent des 
Langues, a moins qiPelle n’ait etc 
deja faite depuis PEchange des Rati¬ 
fications des Preliminaires. II eft en- 
P 3 tendu. 


[ 202 J 


fmce the Exchange of the Ratifica¬ 
tions of the Preliminary Articles of 
Peace. It is underftood that an Elec¬ 
tion which {hall have been made fub- 
fequent to that Period, {hall alone be 
confidered as valid, to the Exclufion 
of every other which (hall have taken 
Place at any Time previous to the 
faid Period. 

2. The Governments of Great 
Britain and of the French Republick, 
being defirous of placing the Order 
of Saint John, and the Ifland of 
Malta, in a State of entire Inde¬ 
pendence on each of thofe Powers, 
do agree, that there {hall be hence¬ 
forth no Englifh nor French Langues; 
and that no Individual belonging to 
either of the faid Powers fhall be 
admiflible into the Order. 

3. A Maltefe Langue fhall be 
eftablifhed, to be fupported out of 
the Land Revenues and commercial 
Duties of the Ifland. There {hall 
be Dignities, with Appointments, 
and an Atiberge appropriated to this 
Langue; no Proofs of Nobility {hall 
be neceffary for the Admiffion of 
Knights into the faid Langue; they 
fhall be competent to hold every 
Office, and to enjoy every Privilege in 
the like Manner as the Knights of the 
other Langues. The Municipal, Re¬ 
venue, Civil, Judicial, and other 
Offices under the Government of the 
Ifland, fhall be filled, at lealt in the 
Proportion of One Half, by native 
Inhabitants of Malta, Gozo, and 
Comino. 

4. The Forces of His Britannick 
Majtdy fhall evacuate the Ifland and 
its Dependencies within Three Mont hs 
after the Exchange of the Ratifica¬ 
tions, or fooner if it can be done : 
At that Period the Ifland fhall be de¬ 
livered up to the Order in the State 


tendu, qiPune Election faite depui* 
cette Epoque fera feule confideree 
comme valable, a l’Exclufion de toute 
autre qui auroit eu lieu dans aucun 
Terns anterieur d la dite Epoque, 


Les Gonvernemens de la Grande 
Bretagne et de la Republique Fran- 
qoife, defirant mettre l’Ordre et PI fie 
de Malte dans un Etat d’lndepen- 
dance entiere a leur Egard, conviennent 
qu’il n’y aura deformais ni Langue 
Angloifc ni Franqaife, et que nul 
Individu appartenant a Tune ou a 
l’autre de ces Puiffimces ne pourra 
etre admis dans l’Ordre. 

3. II fera etabli une Langue Mal- 
taife, qui fera entretenue par les Re¬ 
venues Territoriaux et les Droits 
commerciaux de PIfie. Cette Langue 
aura des Dignites qui lui feront propres, 
des Traitemens, et uneAuberge; les 
Preuves de NoblefTe ne feront pas 
necefTaires pour l’Admiffion des Che¬ 
valiers de la dite Langue; ils leront 
d’aillcurs admiffibles a toutes les 
Charges, et jouiront de tons les Pri¬ 
vileges comme les Chevaliers des 
autres Langues. Les Emplois Mu- 
nicipaux, Adminiftratifs, Civils, Ju- 
diciaires, et autres dependant du Gou- 
vernement de 1’Ifle, feront occupes, 
au moins pour Moitie, par des Habi- 
tans des Ifles de Malte, Gozo, et 
Comino. 

4. Les Forces de Sa MajtfL Bri- 
tanniqiie evacueront l’lfle et fes De¬ 
pendants dans les Trois Mois qui 
fuivront l’Echange des Ratifications, 
ou plutot fi faire fe pint: A cette 
Epoque elle fera remife a I’Ordre dans 
l’Etat ou die fe trouve—pourvu que 


L 203 ] 


in which it now-Is—provided that 
the Grand Matter, or Commiffioners, 
fully empowered according to the 
Statutes of the Order, be upon the 
Ifland to receive Pofi'efiion ; and that 
the Force to be furnifhed by His 
Sicilian Majtfty, as hereafter ttipu- 
lated, be arrived there. 

5. The Garrifon of the Ifland 
fhall, at all Times, confift at lead 
One Half of Native Maltefe ; and 
the Order fhall have the Liberty of 
recruiting for the Remainder of the 
Garrifon from the Natives of thofe 
Countries only that fhall continue 
to poficfs Langues. The Native 
Maltefe Troops fhall be officered by 
Maltefe, and the fupreme Command 
of the Garrifon, as well as the Ap¬ 
pointment of the Officers, fhall be 
vetted in the Grand Matter of the 
Order; and he fhall not be at Liberty 
to diveft himfelf of it, even for a 
Time, except in Favour of a Knight 
of the Order, and in confequence of the 
Opinion of the Council of the Order. 

6. The Independence of the Ifiands 
of Malta, Gozo, and Comino, as well 
as the prefent Arrangement, fhall be 
under the Prote&ion and Guarantee 
of Great Britain, France, Aultria, 
Ruffia, Spain, and Pruffia, 

, * • . 

7. The perpetual Neutrality of the 
Order and of the Ifland of Malta, 
and its Dependencies, is hereby de¬ 
clared. 

8. The Ports of Malta fhall be 
open to the Commerce and Naviga¬ 
tion of all Nations, who fhall pay 
equal and moderate Duties. Thefe 
Duties fhall be applied to the Support 
of the Maltefe Langue, in the Manner 
fpecified in Paragraph .3, to that of 
the Civil and Military Eltablifhments 


le Grand Maitre, ou des Commiffaires, 
pleinement autoriLs fuivant les Statuta 
de l’Ordre, foient dans la dice Ifle pour 
en prendre Poffcffion, et que la Force 
qui doit etre fournie par Sa Majefte 
Sicilienne, comme il ett apres ftipule, 
y foit arrivee. 

5. La Moitie de la Garnifon pour 
le moins fera toujours compofee de 
Maltais Natifs ; pour le Reliant 
l’Ordre aura la Faculte de recruter 
parmi les Natifs des Pais feuls qui 
continuent de poflcder des Langues. 
Les Troupes Maltaifes auront des 
Officiers Maltais; le Commandement 
en Chef de la Garnifon, ainfi que la 
Nomination des Officiers apparti- 
endront au Grand Maltrej et il ne 
pourra s’en demettre, meme tempo- 
rairement, qu’en Faveur d’un Cheva¬ 
lier, d’apies l’Avis du Confeil de 
l’Ordre. 


6. L’Ind-pendance des Ifles de 
Make, de Gozo, et de Comino, ainfi 
que le prefent Arrangement, font mis 
fous la Protection et Garantie de la 
Grande Bretagne, de la France, de 
1 ’Autriche, de la Rulfie, de PEfpagne, 
et d? la Prufl'e. 

7. La Neutralitc permanente de 
l’Ordre et de l’lfle de Make, avec fes 
Dcpendances, dt proclamee. 

8. Les Ports de Make feront ouverts 
au Commerce et a la Navigation de 
toutes les Nations, qui y payeront des 
Droits egaux et modares. Ces Droits 
feront appliques a l’Entretien de la 
Langue Maltaife, comme il eft fpecifie 
dans le Paragraphe 3, a celui dt;s 
Etablittemens Civils et Militaires de 

P 4 l’lfle. 


t 


[ 204 1 


of the Ifland, and to that of a Laza*? 
rdtto, open to all Flags. 

9. The Barbary States are excepted 
from the Proviiions of the.Two pre¬ 
ceding- Paragraphs, until by means 
of an Arrangement to be made by 
the contracting Parties, the Syftern of 
Hoftility, which fubfiits between the 
(aid Barbary States, the Order of 
St. John, and the Powers poiTefiing 
Langues, or taking Part in the Forma¬ 
tion of them, {hall be terminated. 

10. The Order {hall be governed, 
both in Spiritual and Temporal Mat¬ 
ters, by the fame Statutes that were 
in force at the Time when the 
Knights quitted the Ifland, fo far as 
the fame fhall not be derogated from 
by the prefent Treaty. 

11. The Stipulations contained in 
Paragraphs 3, 5, 7, 8, and 10, (hall 
be converted into Laws and perpetual 
Statutes of the Order, in the cuf- 
tomary Manner, And the Grand 
Mailer (or, if he fhould not be in the 
Ifland at the Time of its Reftitution 
to the Order, his Reprefentative), as 
well as his Succelfors, {hall be bound 
to make Oath to obferve them 
punctually. 

12. His Sicilian Majefty {hall be 
invited to furnifh Two thoufand Men, 
Natives of His Dominions, to ferve as 
a Garrifon for the feveral Fortrefles 
upon the Ifland. This Force {hall 
remain there for One Year from the 
Peiiod of the Reftitution of the ifland 
to the Knights; after the Expiration 
of which Term, if the Order of St. 
John (hall not, in the Opinion of the 
guarantying Powers, have railed a 
iufficient Force to garrifon the Ifland 
and its Dependencies, in the Man¬ 
ner propoi'ed in Paragraph 5, the 
Neapolitan Troops fhall remain, until 

4 


rifle, ainfi qua celui d’un Lazareth 
ouvert a tous les Pavilions. 

9. Les Etats Barbarefques font ex¬ 
cept s des Difpofitions des Deux 
Paragraphes precedents, jufqu a ce que 
par le Moyen d’un Arrangement que 
procureront les. Parties contra&antes, 
le Syfteme d’Holtilite qui fubfifte 
entre les edits Etats Barbarefques, 
1 ’Ordre de St. Jean, et les Puiflances 
pofkdant des Langues, ou concourant 
a leur Compolition, ait celfe. 

10. L’Ordre fera rigi, quant au 
Spirituel et au Temporel, par les 
memes Statuts qui etaient en Vigueur 
lorfque les Chevaliers font fortis de 
rifle, autant qu’il n’y eft pas dcroge 
par le prefent Traite. 

1 r. Les Difpofitions contenues dans 
les Paragraphes 3, 5, 7, 8, et 10, 
feront converges en Loix et Statuts 
perpetuels de l’Ordre dans la Forme 
ulitce. Et le Grand Maitre (ou, s’il 
n’etoit pas dans l’lfle au Moment ou 
elle fera retnife a l’Ordre, fon Rcpre- 
fentant), ainfi que fes Succefieurs, 
feront tenues de faire Serment de les 
obferver pondluellement. 

12. Sa Majefte Sicilienne fera invi¬ 
tee a fournir Deux mille Hommes, 
Natifs de Ses Etats, pour fervir de 
Garnifon dans les differentes Forterefles 
des dite.s llles. Cette Force y reftera 
Un An a dater de leur Reftitution 
aux Chevaliers; et fi a l’Expiration de 
ce Terme, l’O-dre n’avait pas encore 
leve la Force fuftifante, au Jugement 
des Puiflances garantes, pour fervir 
de Garnifon dans l’lfle et fes Dc- 
pendances, telle qu’elle eft fpecifiee 
dans le Paragraphs $, les Troupes 
Napolitaines y refteront jufqu’a ce 
qu’elles foient remplacees par une 

autre 


[ 205 1 


they (hall be relieved by another 
Force, judged to be fufficient by the 
laid Powers. 

13. The feveral Powers fpecified in 
Paragraph 6, videlicet. Great Britain, 
Fiance, Autlria, Ruffia, Spain, and 
Pruflia, (hall be invited to accede to 
the prefent Arrangement, 

Article XI, 

The French Forces (hall evacuate 
the Kingdom of Naples and the Ro¬ 
man Territory j the Englifh Forces 
fhall in like Manner evacuate Porto 
Ferrajo, and generally all the Ports 
and Iflands which they may occupy in 
the Mediterranean or in the Adriatick. 

Article XII. 

The Evacuations, Ceffions, and Re- 
ftitutions, flipulated for by the pre¬ 
fent Treaty, except where otherwife 
exprefslv provided for, (hall take 
place in Europe within One Month , 
in the Continent and Seas of Ame¬ 
rica, and of Africa, within Three 
Months; and in the Continent and 
Seas of Afia, within Six Months after 
the Ratification of the prefent De¬ 
finitive Treaty. 

Article XIII. 

In all the Cafes of Reftitution 
agreed upon by the prefent Treaty, the 
Fortifications fhall be delivered up in 
the State in which they mav have been 

J * 

at the Time of the Signature of the 
Preliminary Treaty; and all the 
Works which fhall have been con- 
ftru6ted fince the Occupation, fhall re¬ 
main untouched. 

It is further agreed, that in all the 
Cafes of Celfion ftipulated, there fhall 
be allowed to the Inhabitants, ot 


autre Force jit gee fuffifante par les 
dites Puiffances. 


13. Les difFrentes Puiffances de- 
fign-es dans le Paragraphe 6, favoir, 
la Grande Bretagne, la France, 
PAutriche, la Ruffie, l’Efpagne, et la 
PrufTe, feront invitees a acceder aux 
prefentes Stipulations. 

Article XI. 

Les Troupes Franqaifes evacueront 
le Royaume de Naples, et PEtat Ro- 
main ; les Forces Auglaifes evacueront 
pareillement Porto Ferrajo, et gine- 
ralement tous les Ports et Ifles qu’elles 
occuperaient dans la Mediterranee ou 
dans PAdriatique. 

Article XII. 

Les Evacuations, Ceffions, et Refti- 
tutions, ftipulees par le prefent Traite, 
feront executees pour PEurope dans 
le Mois; pour le Continent et les 
Mers d’Amerique et d’Afrique dans 
les Trois Mois j pour le Continent et 
les Mers d’Afie dans les Six Mois, 
qui fuivront la Ratification du prclcnt 
Traite Definitif, excepte dans le Cas 
cu il y eft fp-cialement deroge. 

Article XIII. 

Dans tous les Cas de Reftitution 
convenue par le prefent Traite, les 
Fortifications feront rendues dans l’Etat 
ou elles fe trouvaient au Moment de la 
Signature dts Preliminaires, et tous les 
Ouvrages qui auront ete conftruits 
depuis I’Occupation refteront inta6ls. 


II eft convenu en outre, que dans 
tous les Cas de Celfion ftipules, il fera 
alloue aux Habitans de quelque Con¬ 
dition 


[ 206 3 


whatever Condition or Nation they 
may be, a Term of Three Years, to be 
computed from the Notification of this 
prefrnt Treaty, for the Purpofe of dif- 
pofmg of their Property acquired and 
potfefi’ed either before or during the 
War, in which Term of Three Years 
they may have the free Exercife of 
their Religion and Enjoyment of their 
Property. 

The fame Privilege is granted in the 
Countries reftored to all thofe, whether 
Inhabitants or others, who fhall have 
made therein any Eftablifhments what- 
foever during the 'l ime when thofe 
Countries were in the Pofleftion of 
Great Lritain. 

With refpeCl to the Inhabitants of 
the Countries reftored or ceded, it is 
agreed that none of them fhall be pro¬ 
secuted, difturbed, or molefted in their 
Perfons or Properties under any Pre¬ 
text, on Account of their Conduct or 
political Opinions, or of their Attach¬ 
ment to any of the other contracting 
Powers, nor on any Account, except 
that of Debts contracted to Individuals, 
or on Account of ACts pofterior to the 
prefent Treaty. 

Article XIV. 

All Sequeftrations impofed by any 
of the Parties on the funded Property, 
Revenues, or Debts of whatever De- 
fetiption, belonging to any of the con¬ 
tracting Powers, or to their SubjeCts 
or Citizens, fhall be taken off'imme¬ 
diately after the Signature of this Defi¬ 
nitive Treaty. The Decifion of all 
Claims brought forward by Indivi¬ 
duals, the SubjeCts or Citizens of any 
of the contracting Powers refpeCtively, 
againft Individuals, SubjeCts or Citi¬ 
zens of any of the others, for Rights, 
Debts, Property, or EffeCts whatfoever, 
which, according to received Ufages 


dition ou Nation qu’ils foient, tin 
Terme de Trois Ans, a compter de la 
Notification du prefent Traite, pour 
difpofer de leurs Proprietes acquiles et 
poftedees foit avant foit pendant la 
Guerre, dans lequel T erme deT rois Ans 
ilspourront exercer librement leur Re¬ 
ligion et jouir de leurs Proprietes. 


La mCme Faculte eft accordee dans 
les Pays reftitues a tous ceux, foit 
Habitans ou autres, qui y auront fait 
des Etabliflemens quelconque3 pen¬ 
dant le Terns ou ces Pays etaient 
poffedes par la Grande Bretagne. 

Quant aux Habitans des Pays refti- 
tues ou cedes, il eft convenu qu’aucun 
d’eux rie pourra etre pourfuivi,inquiete, 
ou trouble dans fa Perfonne ou dans 
fa Propriete fous aucun Pretexte, a 
Caufe de fa Conduite ou Opinion po¬ 
litique, ou de fon Attachement a 
aucune des Parties contraCtantes, ou 
pour toute autre Raifon, ft ce n’eft 
pour les Dettes contraCtees envers des 
Individus, ou pour desACtes pofteriturs 
au prefent Traite. 

Article XIV. 

Tcus les Sequeftres mis de Part et 
d’autre fur les Fonds, Revenus, et 
Creances, de quelque Efpece qu’ils 
foient, appartenans. a 1 ’une des Puif- 
fances contraClantes, ou a fes Sujets 
ou Citoyens, feront leves immediate- 
ment apres* la Signature de ce Traite 
Detinitif. La Decifion de toutes Re¬ 
clamations entre les Individus des Na¬ 
tions refpeCtives pour Dettes, Pro¬ 
prietes, Effets ou Droits quelconques, 
qui conformement aux Ufages re^us 
et au Droit des Gens, doivent etre re¬ 
produces a l’Epoque de la Paix, fera 
renvoyee devant les Tribunaux com* 

petens j 


[ 

and the Law of Nations, ought to re¬ 
vive at the Period of Peace, fhall be 
heard and decided before competent 
Tribunals ; and in all Cafes prompt 
and ample Juftice fhall be adminifter- 
cd in the Countries where the Claims 
are made. 

Sir tick XV. 

The Fifheries on the Coaft of New¬ 
foundland, and of the adjacent 1 Hands, 
and of theGulph of St. Lawrence, are 
replaced on the fame Footing on 
which they were previous to the War ; 
the French Fifhermen and the Inha¬ 
bitants of Saint Pierre and Miouelon 
fhall have the Privilege of cutting fuch 
Wood as they may ftand in Need of 
in the Bays ot Fortune and Defpair, 
for the Space of One Year from the 
Date of the Notification of the prd'ent 
Treaty. 

Article XVI. 

In order to prevent all Caufes of 
Complaint and Difpute which may 
arife on Account of Prizes which may 
have been made at Sea, after the Sig¬ 
nature of the Preliminary Articles, it 
is reciprocally agreed, that the Veflels 
and Etfedfs which may have been ta¬ 
ken in the Britifh Channel, and in the 
North Sea, after the Space of Twelve 
Days, to be computed from the Ex¬ 
change of the Ratifications of the laid 
Preliminary Articles, fhall be reftored 
on each Side ; that the Term fhall be 
One Month from the Britifh Channel 
and the North Seas, as far as the Ca- 
naryKlands incluiively, whether in the 
Ocean or in the Mediterranean ; Two 
Months from the laid Canary Iflaqds 
as far as the Equator; and lallly, 
Five Months in ail other Parts of the 
’VVorld, without any Exception, or any 
more particular Delcription of Time 
or Place. 


20 7 J 

petens ; et dans ces Cas il fera rendu 
une prompte et enticre Juftice dans 
le Pays ou les Reclamations feront 
faites refpedtivement. 


Article XV. 

Les Lecheries fur les Cotes de Ter- 
rencuve, et des Hies adjacentes, et dans 
le Golphe St. Laurent, font remifes 
fur le meme Pied ou elles etaient 
avant la Guerre ; les Pecheurs Fran¬ 
cois de Terreneuve, ct les Habitans 
des Kies de St. Pierre et Miquelon, 
pourront couper les Bois qtti leur feront 
ncceftaires dans les Bayes deFortune et 
du Defefpoir, pendant la premiere 
Annce, a compter de la Notification 
du prefent Traite. 

Article XVI. 

Pour prevenir tons les Sujets de 
Plainte et de Conreftation qui pour- 
raient naitre a l’Occafkm des Prifes 
qui auraient cte faites en Mer, apres 
la S’gnaturedes Articles Preliminaires, 
il eft reciproquement convenu, que les 
Vailleaux et Efiets qui pourraient 
avoir etc pris dans la Manche, et dans 
les Mers du Nurd, apres PEfpace de 
Douze Jours, a compter de PEchange 
des Ratitica ions des Articles Prelimi¬ 
naires, leront de part ct d’autre refli- 
tues ; que le Terme fera d’Un Alois 
depuis la Manche ct les Mers du Nord 
julqu’aux Itle- Canaries inclufivement, 
foit dans l’Orcan foit dans la Alcditer- 
ranee ; de Deux Alois depuis les I ties 
Canaries jufqu’ a PEquateur ; et enfin, 
de Cinq Alois dans toutes les autres 
Parlies du Monde, fans a”cune Ex¬ 
ception, ni autre Diftindlion plus par¬ 
ticulars de Terns et de Lieu. 


Sir tick 


c 


2,08 


Article XVII. 


Aril le X-VLL 

The Ambafladors, Minifters, and 
other Agents of the contra&ing Powers, 
(hall enjoy refpettively in the States of 
the faid Powers, the fame Rank, Pri¬ 
vileges, Prerogatives, and Immunities, 
which publick Agents of the fame 
Clafs enjoyed previous to the W ar. 

Article XVIII. 

The Branch of the Houfe of NafTau, 
which was eftablifhed in the Repub- 
lick formerly called the Republick of 
the United Provinces, and now the 
Batavian Republick, hiving fnffered 
JLoffes there, as well in private Proper¬ 
ty as in confequence of the Change of 
Conftitution adopted in that Country, 
an adequate Compenfation ilia'll he 
procured for thejaid Branch of the 
Houfe of NafTau for the faid Lofils. 

Article XIX. 

The prefent Definitive Treaty of 
Peace is declared common to the Sub¬ 
lime Ottoman Porte, the Ally to Plis 
Britannick Majefty; and the Sublime 
Porte iball be invited to tranfmit its 
ACT of Acceffion thereto, in the fhort- 
rit Delay poflible. 

Article XX. 

It is agreed that the contracting 
Parties fhall, on Reqaifitions made by 
them refpeCtively, or by their Minifters 
or Officers duly authorized to make 
the fame, deliver up to Juft ice, Perfons 
accufed of Crimes of Murder, Forgery, 
or fraudulent Bankruptcy, committed 
within the JurifdiCtion of the requiring 
Party; provided that this lhall be done 
only when the Evidences of the Cri¬ 
minality Dial 1 be fo authenticated as 
that the Laws of the Country where 
the Perfon fo accufed fhall be found, 
would jultify his Apprehenfton and 


Les Ambaffadeurs, Miniftres, et 
autres Agents des Puiffances contrac- 
tantes jouiront refpedtivement dans les 
Etats des dites Puiftknces, des niemes 
Rangs, Privileges, Prerogatives, et 
Immunites, dont joniftaient avant la 
Guerre ies Agents de ia meme Claft’e. 

Article XVIII. 

La Banche de la Maifon de NafTau, 
qui etait ctablie dans la ci-devant Re- 
publique des Provinces Unies, acluel- 
Iement la Republiquc Batave, y ayant 
fait des Pertes tant en Propriete pat- 
ticulicre que par le Changement de 
Conftitution adopte dans ce Pays, il 
lui fera procure une Compenfation 
equivalente pour les dites Pertes. 


Article XIX. 

Le prefent Traite Definitif de Paix 
eft declare commun a la Sublime Porte 
Ottomane, Alliee de Sa Majefte Bri- 
tannique ; et la Sublime Porte fera 
invitee a tranfmettre fori ACTe d’Ac- 
ceftion dans le plus court Deiai 
poffible. 

Article XX. 

II eft convenu que les Parties con- 
tra&antes fur les Requisitions faites 
par elles refpeClivement, ou par leurs 
Miniftres ou Officiers diiement auto- 
rifes a cet Efler, feront tenus de livrer 
en juftice les Perfonrics accufees des 
Crimes de Meurtre, de Falfification, 
ou Banqueroute fiauduleufe, commis 
dans la JurifdiCTion dela Partie reque- 
rante; pourvu que cela ne foit fait 
que lorfque PEvidence du Crime fera 
fi bien conftatee que les Loix du Lieu 
ou Ton decouvrira la Perlonne ainli ac- 
cufee, auraient autoriie fa Detention 

et 


Commitment for Trial, if-tfse Offence 
had been there committed. The Ex- 
pences of fuch Apprthenfion and De¬ 
livery Aiall be borne and defrayed by 
thofe v/ho make the Requifitiou. It 
is underftood that this Article does not 
regard in any Manner Crimes of Mur¬ 
der, Forgery, or fraudulent Bankrupt¬ 
cy, committed antecedently to the 
Conclufion of this Definitive Treaty. 

Article XXI. 

The contracting Parties promife to 
obferve fincerely and bond Fide all the 
Articles contained in the prelent 
Treaty 3 and they will not fuffer the 
fame to be infringed, direCtly or indi- 
reCtly, by their relptCBve Subjects or 
Citizens ; and the faid contracting 
Parties generally and reciprocally 
guaranty to each other all the Stipula¬ 
tions of the prefent Treaty. 

Article XXII. 

The prefent Treaty fhall be ratified 
by the contracting Parties in Thirty 
Days, or fooner if potfible, and the 
Ratifications lhall be exchanged in due 
Form at Paris. 

In Witnefs whereof, we, the under¬ 
written Plenipotentiaries, have ligned 
with our Hands, and in virtue of our 
refpeCtive Full Powers, the prefent 
Definitive Treaty, and have caufed 
our refpeCtive Seals to be affixed 
thereto. 

Done at Amiens, the Twenty-fe- 
venth Day of March One thoufand 
eight hundred and two 5 the Sixth 
Germinal, Tear Ten of the French 
Republiek. 

(L. S.) CORNWALLIS. 

(L.S.) [OSEPH BONAPARTE. 

(L. S.) J. NICOLAS DE AZARA. 

(L. S.) R. J. SCHIMMELPENNINCK. 


et fa TraduCtion devant la Juflice ati 
cas que le Crime y eut cte com mis. 
Les Fraix de la Prife de Corps et la 
Traduction en Juftice feront a la 
Charge de ceux qui feront la Requi- 
fition. Bien entendu que cet Article 
ne regarde en aucune Maniere les 
Crimes de Meurtre, de Falfification, 
ou de Banqueroute frauduleufe, com- 
mis anterieurement a la Conclufion de 
ce Traite Definitif. 

Article XXL 

Les Parties contraclantes promet- 
tent d’obferver fincerement et de 
bonne Foi tous ies A rticles contenus au 
prefent Traite 5 et el les ne fouffriront 
pas qu'il y foit fait de Contravention, 
direCte ou indireCte, par leurs Sujets 
ou Citoyens refpeCtifs ; et les fufdites 
Parties contraCtantes le garanthfent 
generalementet rcciproquement toutes 
les Stipulations du prefent Traitc. 

Article XXII. 

Le prefent Traite fera ratifie paries 
Parties contradlantes dans PEfpace de 
Trente Jours, ou piutot fi faire fe'peut, 
et les Ratifications en due Forme fe¬ 
ront echangees u Paris. 

En Foi de quoi, ^fes, fenffignes Ple- 
nipotentiaires, avons figne dc notre 
Main, et en vertu de nos Pleinpouvoirs 
refpeCtifs, le prefent Traite Definitif, 
et y avons fait appoler nos Cachets 
refpeCtifs. 

Fait a Amiens, le Ving-fept Mars, 
Mil huic cent deux; le Six Germinal, 
An Dix de la Republique Fran^ile. 


(L. S.) CORNWALLIS. 

(L. S.) JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 

(L. S.) J. NICOLAS DE .4 ZARA. 

(L. S.) R. J. SCHIMMELPENNINCK. 

ARTICLE 


SEPARATE ARTICLE . 


ARTICLE SEP ARE. 


It is agreed that the Omiffion of II eft convenu que rOmitlion qui 
fome Titles which may have taken pourroit avoir eu lieu de quelques Ti- 
Place in the prefent Treaty (hall not ti es d ins le prelent Traite ne fera pas 
be prejudicial to the Powers or to the prejudiciable aux PuilTances ou aux 
Perfons concerned. Perlonnes interefl'ees. ,4* 


It is further agreed that the Eng- 
lifh and French Languages made Ufe 
of in all the Copies of the prefent 
Treaty {hall not form an Example, 
which may be alleged or quoted as a 
Precedent, or in any Manner prejudice 
the contra6ting Powers whofe Lan¬ 
guages have not been ufed* and that 
for the future what has been obferved, 
and ought to be obferved, with Regard 
to* and on the Part of, Powers who 
are in the Pra&ice and Pofleffion of 
giving and receiving Copies of like 
Treaties in any other Language, {hall 
be conformed with ; the prefent Trea¬ 
ty having neverthelels the fame Force 
and Virtue as if the aforefaid Practice 
had been therein obferved. 

In Witnefs whereof, we, the un¬ 
derwritten Plenipotentiaries of his Bri- 
tannick Majefty, of the French Re- 
publick, of his Catholick Majefty, and 
of the Batavian ^publick, have fign- 
ed the prefent Rparate Article, and 
have cauled our refpeflive Seals to be 
affixed thereto. 

Done at Amiens, the Twenty-fe- 
venth Day of March One thoufand 
eight hundred and two ; the Sixth 
Germinal, Year Ten of the French 
Republic k. 

(L. S.) CORNWALLIS. 

(L. S.) JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 

(L.S.) f. NICOLAS DE AZARA. 

(L. S.;R. j. SC HIM MELPENNlNCK. 


II eft /cgalement convenu que les 
Langues Anglaile et Fran^aife em¬ 
ployees dans tous les Exemplaires du 
prefent Traite, ne fourniront point un 
Exemple qui puilfe etre allcgue, ni tirer 
a Confequence, ni porter Prejudice en 
aucune Maniere aux Puifl'ances con- 
traclantes dont les Langues n’ont pas 
etc employees ; et que Ton le con- 
formera a l’avenir a ce qui a etc 
obferve, et doit etre oblervee, il 
l’Egard et de la Part des Puiftances qui 
font en Ul'age et Pofleffion de donner 
et de recevoir des Exemplaires des 
femblables Traites en tine autre Lan- 
gue ; le prefent Traite ne laiifant pas 
d’avoir la meme Force et Vertu que 
li le fufdit Ufage y arait ete obferve. 

En Foi de quoi, nous, fouflignes 
Plenipotentiaires de Sa Majefte Rri- 
tannique, de la Republique Fran<jaile, 
de Sa Majefte Catholique, et de la 
Republique Ratave, avons flgne le pre¬ 
fent Article fcpare, et y avons fait 
appofer nos Cachets refpebtifs. 

Fait a Amiens, le Yingt-fept Mars 
Mil huit cent deux ; le Six Germinal, 
An Dix de la Republique Fran<jaife. 


(OS.) CORNWALLIS. 

(L. S.) JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 

(L. S.) J. NICOLAS DE AZARA. 

( L. S.) R. J. SCHIMMELPENNINCK- 


Wilks and Taylor, Printers,Chancery-lane. 















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